Link to

http://www.oregon.gov/oha/herc/CoverageGuidances/Planned-out-of-hospital-birth-11-12-15.pdf


Oregon-collected data on planned out-of-hospital birth
–> pages 33 & 34

In 2011, the Oregon Legislature passed House Bill 2380, which required the Oregon Public Health Division to add two questions to the Oregon Birth Certificate to determine planned place of birth and birth attendant, and to report annually on birth outcomes, including death, by location and attendant type.

The specific questions were:

“Did you go into labor planning to deliver at home or at a freestanding birthing center?

If yes, what was the planned primary attendant type at the onset of labor?”

In addition, for 2012, the Oregon Public Health Division conducted a special study of deaths in term infants (≥ 37 weeks’ gestation) intended to deliver out-of-hospital. The perinatal fatality analysis includes fetal and early neonatal deaths ≥ 37 weeks’ estimated gestational age through the first 6 days of life.

During 2012, 42,011 live term births occurred in Oregon. Of these 2,021 (4.8%) planned an out-of- hospital birth (home birth or freestanding birthing center).

In 2013 the Oregon Public Health Division published its first report on birth outcomes by planned place of birth and attendant.

Because this report specifically addresses home birth outcomes in the state of Oregon, a summary is presented here.

Key findings of term fetal and early neonatal deaths by planned place of birth and planned birth attendant include the following:

  •   Sixty-two term (≥ 37 weeks’ gestation) fetal deaths occurred in Oregon during 2012; 4  (6.5%) of these occurred among planned out-of-hospital births.
  •   Thirty term early neonatal deaths (during the first 6 days of life) occurred in Oregon during 2012; 4  (13.3%) of these occurred among planned out-of-hospital births.

page 33

 In total, 92 term fetal and early neonatal deaths occurred in Oregon during 2012; 8 (8.7%) occurred among planned out-of-hospital births. These 8 deaths underwent a fetal and neonatal mortality case review per published national guidelines.

{{ easy math –> 4.8% of total birth but 8.7% of total fetal/neonatal deaths }}

Key findings of the perinatal fatality case review of term births planned to occur out-of-hospital include the following:

  •    Four term fetal and four early neonatal deaths occurred during 2012 among women who planned to deliver out-of-hospital
  •    Two pregnancies had inadequate or no prenatal care
  •    Six of eight transferred to the hospital during labor
  •   One mother initially declined transfer during labor despite recommendation by birth attendant
    Six 
    of eight pregnancies did not meet published low-risk criteria for out-of-hospital birth*:

    • o More than 41 weeks gestation (4)
      o Twin gestation (2)
      o Morbid obesity (> 40 BMI) (1)
  •   Planned birth attendants: Certified Nurse Midwife (1), Licensed Direct-Entry Midwives (4), Unlicensed Midwife (1), Undetermined Licensure Midwife (1), and Naturopathic Physician (1)
  •   Median birth weight (3515 grams)
  •   Maternal characteristics were similar to the larger group of planned out-of-hospital births
  •   Chart review noted that, among perinatal deaths:

o Two pregnancies were twin gestations

o Four mothers declined prenatal ultrasound (to date pregnancy & identify pathology)

o Five mothers declined Group B strep testing

o Two mothers who tested positive declined GBS prophylaxis during labor 

Indications for transfer to a hospital from home or birthing center (multiple causes may apply):

  • loss of fetal heart tones (3)
  • prolonged labor (2)
  • decreased fetal movement (2)
  • malpresentation (2)

Planned attendants among these 6:

Certified Nurse Midwife (1), Licensed Direct-Entry Midwives (3), Unlicensed Midwife (1), and Naturopathic Physician (1)

 Causes of death and major contributing factors (more than one may apply):

o Hypoxic ischemic encephalopathy or cardiorespiratory failure (lack of blood flow) (3)
o Chorioamnionitis (infection in the womb) (3)
o Pre-existing or pregnancy-related maternal disease (2)
o Respiratory failure (1)



Link to

HEALTH EVIDENCE REVIEW COMMISSION (HERC) COVERAGE GUIDANCE: PLANNED OUT-OF-HOSPITAL BIRTH Approved 11/12/15

http://www.oregon.gov/oha/herc/CoverageGuidances/Planned-out-of-hospital-birth-11-12-15.pdf

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https://www.aap.org/en-us/advocacy-and-policy/state-advocacy/Documents/2013%20CCHD%20Newborn%20Screening%20Bills,%20Regulations,%20and%20Executive%20Orders%20-%20AAP%20Division%20of%20State%20Govt%20Affairs.pdf

Assembly Bill No. 1731

CHAPTER 336

An act to add Article 6.6 (commencing with Section 124121) to Chapter 3 of Part 2 of Division 106 of the Health and Safety Code, relating to public health.

[Approved by Governor September 15, 2012. Filed with Secretary of State September 15, 2012.]

legislative counsel’s digest

AB 1731, Block. Newborn screening program: critical congenital heart disease.

Existing law provides for the Newborn and Infant Hearing Screening, Tracking, and Intervention program, under which general acute care hospitals with licensed perinatal services, as specified, are required to administer to newborns a hearing screening test for the identification of hearing loss, as prescribed, using protocols developed by the State Department of Health Care Services, or its designee.

This bill would, beginning July 1, 2013, require a general acute care hospital that has a licensed perinatal service to offer to parents of a newborn, prior to discharge, a pulse oximetry test for the identification of critical congenital heart disease (CCHD), and would require the department to issue guidance stating that hospitals perform this test in a manner consistent with the federal Centers for Disease Control and Prevention guidelines for CCHD screening. This bill would require these hospitals to develop a CCHD screening program, as prescribed.

The people of the State of California do enact as follows:

SECTION 1. The Legislature finds and declares the following:

(a) Congenital heart disease affects about seven to nine of every 1,000 live births in the United States and is the most common cause of death in the first year of life, with defects accounting for 3 percent of all infant deaths and more than 40 percent of all deaths due to congenital malformations.

(b) Critical congenital heart disease (CCHD) is a group of defects that cause severe and life-threatening symptoms and require intervention within the first days or first year of life.

(c) Current methods for detecting CCHD generally include prenatal ultrasound screening and careful and repeated clinical examinations.

(d) CCHD is often missed during the routine clinical exam that generally is scheduled prior to a newborn’s discharge, and many cases of CCHD are also missed during discharge and postdischarge clinical exams.

91

Ch. 336 — 2 —

(e) Fetal ultrasound screening programs improve detection of major congenital heart defects. However, prenatal diagnosis alone picks up less than one-half of all cases.

(f) Pulse oximetry is a noninvasive test that estimates the percentage of hemoglobin in blood that is saturated with oxygen.

(g) Virtuallyallhospitals,includingsmallhospitals,frequentlyusepulse oximetry as a standard of care in their newborn nurseries.

(h) Many newborn lives could potentially be saved by earlier detection and treatment of CCHD if hospitals were required to perform this simple, noninvasive newborn screening method.

SEC. 2. Article 6.6 (commencing with Section 124121) is added to Chapter 3 of Part 2 of Division 106 of the Health and Safety Code, to read:

Article 6.6. Newborn Critical Congenital Heart Disease Screening Program

124121. For purposes of this article, “CCHD” means critical congenital heart disease.

124122. (a) (1) Beginning July 1, 2013, a general acute care hospital that has a licensed perinatal service shall offer to parents of a newborn, prior to discharge, a pulse oximetry test for the identification of CCHD.

(2) The State Department of Health Care Services shall issue guidance stating that hospitals perform this test in a manner consistent with the federal Centers for Disease Control and Prevention guidelines for CCHD screening.

(3) A hospital described in paragraph (1) shall be responsible for developing a screening program that provides competent CCHD screening, utilizes appropriate staff and equipment for administering the testing, completes the testing prior to the newborn’s discharge from a newborn nursery unit, refers infants with abnormal screening results for appropriate care, maintains and reports data as required by the department, and provides physician and family-parent education.

(b) A pulse oximetry test provided for pursuant to subdivision (a) shall be performed by a licensed physician, licensed registered nurse, or an appropriately trained individual who is supervised in the performance of the test by a licensed health care professional.

(c) This section shall not apply to a newborn whose parent or guardian objects to the test on the grounds that the test is in violation of his or her beliefs.

O

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A Better Way ~ opportunities to improve the maternity care & the VBAC situation in California:

What society needs is a rational system for providing ‘mother-baby-father-friendly’ maternity care, one that functions logically for childbearing families by meeting their practical as well as biological needs. The goal is nothing less than affordable, accessible, women-centered, mother-baby friendly maternity care with seamless access to comprehensive obstetrical services as medically indicated or as requested by the childbearing woman.

Logically this would also require it to be a cost-effective form of healthcare that protects, promotes and preserves the health of already healthy women during normal pregnancy, childbirth, postpartum-neonatal period as well as and new mother-new baby developmental phase of breastfeeding and newborn care.

But the lived reality of our current obstetrically-centric, defensive medicine system for maternity care system is neither rational nor logical. Statistics for mother-baby outcomes have never shown the medicalization of normal childbirth to provide superiors outcomes or more cost-effective care for healthy childbearing women with normal pregnancies.

And yet the surgical speciality of obstetrics and gynecology has systematically, over the course of the last century, completely taken over the care of essentially healthy women and turned that highly medicalized model into the standard of care for all maternity care in the US.

What is both surprising and disturbing is that no one at a policy level has asked the obvious question:

  • Does it make sense to turn healthy women with normal pregnancies into the patients of a surgical speciality and normal childbirth into a surgical procedure ‘performed’ by an obstetrically-trains surgeon
    The critical missing element for maternity care in the US is systematically providing physiologically-based maternity care to the majority of the childbearing population (70-plus percent).

An equally important and unexamined is the affect of society’s uncritical acceptance of this unscientific premise over the entire 20th century and well into the 21st. For the last half of the 20th century and first decades of the 21st, obstetrics has been a surgical specialty beleaguered by the need to practice defensive medicine, as efforts to reduce medical malpractice litigation became the central organizing principle of modern obstetrics. The uncritical acceptance of the irrational notion that obstetrical surgeons should be the primary provider for normal childbirth in healthy women has had an increasingly pernicious effect on childbearing women over this 40 year span of time.

Obstetricians and nurse-midwives are required to follow the medicalized protocols of hospitals trying to protect themselves against litigation, as well as trying to keep costs down. Under such conditions it is no surprise that obstetrical care is not longer focused on mothers and babies (the original meaning of ‘maternity’ care), and instead has turned inward and is mainly focused on the needs of the obstetrical profession.

If that were not the case, the considerable influence of the obstetrical profession would have been used to both eliminate VBAC bans and to promote normal vaginal birth whenever and wherever possible, while working to remove economic roadblocks instead of occasionally cluck their tongues over the ‘VBAC problem’, while quietly accepting of the self-serving behavior of hospitals and medical malpractice carriers that have instituted bans on VBACs.

Solutions to the VBAC Problem: Hospital-based physiological childbirth as provided by midwives and other professional birth attendants

If the obstetrical profession is actually committed to reducing the number of Cesarean performed in the US (the very best answer to the ‘VBAC problem’), they will need to support the physiological management of normal childbirth for what it is — the science-based standard of care for healthy women with normal pregnancies.

That is best accomplished by:

  • New legislation to create standard informed consent for obstetrical procedures by providing full, accurate, factual, and scientifically-validated information about the known risks and benefits associated with the routine intrapartum use of the following: immobilization in bed during active stages of labor, continuous EFM, IVs, induction or augmentation of labor with drugs that speed-up labor, AROM, IUPC, narcotics pain medications, epidural analgesia during labor, standard forms of anesthesia used during normal childbirth, episiotomy, forceps, vacuum extraction, and the specific risks of primary as compared to repeat Cesarean surgery.
  • Comprehensive informed consent would enable childbearing women and their families to provide fully and accurately-informed consent before these interventions and procedures are used during labor or birth, thus reducing the risk of subsequent malpractice suits and other kinds of legal action against providers and hospitals.
  • Adding the principles of physiological management for normal labor and birth to the standard medical school curriculum
  • Teaching the skills and techniques that support physiologic childbirth during the training of obstetrical residents
  • Insisting that ACOG include physiologically management as a recognized aspect of the scope of practice for obstetricians OR that hospital L&D units be staffed by professional midwives who will manage labors and births physiologically unless obstetrical interventions are medically indicated
  • Facilitating hospital privileges for all California professional midwives (including midwives licensed by the California Medical Board)
  • Insisting that all hospitals eliminate VBAC bans and that medical malpractice carriers not be able to financially discriminate (by fee hikes or refusing liability coverage) against the provision of VBAC by obstetricians
  • Acknowledge that a tiny minority of previous Cesarean women will, with fully informed consent, still choose to midwifery care in an OOH setting

Most women who previously had a Cesarean would not choose OOH midwifery care if they had access to in-hospital midwifery management. For the few mothers who had such a traumatic experience that, as they put it, they: ” just can’t return to scene of the crime” can, with good informed consent, be satisfactorily cared for in a OOH setting by professional midwives.

So far as I know, the obstetrical profession in general, and ACOG as its active spokesmen, are neither promoting nor supporting these vitally important solutions. Until they do so voluntarily, or legislation is passed mandating these actions, we will continue to have an irrational, illogical, unproductively expensive, and ultimately unethical maternity care system that is the product of a special interests and decidedly not “mother-baby-father-family friendly”.

The concluding words to CCM’s VBAC statement comes from a Canadian government report dated June 30, 2008 on improving maternity care called “Maternity Matters” : (reference at bottom)

California licensed midwives, childbearing families and consumers agree and since we couldn’t have said it better, so we won’t try.


PDF download for this document
Maternity Matters ~ Choice, Access, Continuity and Safe Service
Canada 2008

We know a great deal about what is needed. With so much evidence about what works, why is it still not in place? Fewer medical students see uncomplicated births and fewer are choosing to do obstetrics and maternity care in their practice.

There is most certainly a media focus on the drama of alarming birth stories: the baby who was saved, the extraordinary delivery, the life-saving medical interventions, and not nearly enough about uncomplicated, straightforward supported births – to be equally celebrated.

There is a wealth of evidence about what women need and want before implementing new policies. Good maternity care starts with an understanding that pregnancy and birth are ordinarily healthy events, with a belief that most of the time the mother and baby will continue to develop together as they have for millennia.

We already know how to make sure that pregnancy, birth and beyond are healthy and safe for both women and babies. We know that when the mother’s basic needs are met, with safe housing, nutritious food, aseptic technique, as well as attentive individualized care, most women will have a healthy pregnancy.

Mothers and babies thrive when women can give birth close to home or in their own home, when birth is allowed to unfold without interference and women feel safe, confident, well cared for by birth attendants, when babies and mothers are attended in the early weeks after the birth, encouraged through the physical and emotional changes, assisted in breastfeeding and watched for signs of normal development.

Excellent maternity care should not be about a specific provider, location or procedure, but rather about a philosophy and model of care that is woman- and family-centred. Many providers could, in fact, offer woman- and family-centred care if supported by appropriate changes in the definition, funding and delivery of maternity care services.

It should be grounded in the recognition that birth is a normal healthy process, based on the available evidence. It should be sustainable, close to home, publicly funded, one-to-one care. Maternity care must be available as needed during pregnancy, through labour and in the critical early weeks after the birth.

For these factors to be in place, we need political will and interest to see maternity care as a vital part of primary care.

We need policy makers to invest in education of midwives. We need nursing and medical training to include many opportunities to be part of straightforward births.

The current approaches to maternity care tend to put budgets and efficiencies ahead of the needs of women and families.

We need to reform our thinking as well as our approach to maternity care if we hope to provide the best possible care and support for women and their families as they make their way from pregnancy to parenting.

Maternity Matters highlights the Government commitment to developing a high quality, safe and accessible maternity service through the introduction of a new national choice guarantee for women. This will ensure that by the end of 2009, all women will have choice around the type of care that they receive, together with improved access to services and continuity of midwifery care and support.

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Work-n-Progress ~ last edit Aug 18, 2015 

The Magnitude of the Post-Cesarean Problem in California and its affect on childbearing women and their midwives

Over 600,000 babies are born in California every year. With a 33% Cesarean section rate, around 200,000 women are added to the post-Cesarean/potential VBAC pool each year. Not all of them will become pregnant in any one year, but the aggregate statistic of previous-CS women having a second or subsequent pregnancy, and therefore being a ‘candidate’ for a normal vaginal birth is approximately ____ (Google this number). That is a huge number of women that will become enmeshed in the current quagmire of VBAC bans in the state of California.

One would expect a problem of this magnitude to mobilize a very large segment of obstetrical community to use its considerable influence to find a suitable solution. According to published policies by ACOG, this shouldn’t be hard.

Several formal statements by ACOG already acknowledge and support the right of childbearing women to self-determination. These Committee opinions say that forcing women into unwanted medical or surgical procedures, which logically would include repeat Cesareans, would violate the mother-to-be’s right to determine for herself what is in the best interest of herself and her unborn/newborn baby.

ACOG’s Committee Opinions #166, on “Informed Refusal”, notes that:

Almost universally, informed consent laws have been liberalized … from the relatively paternalistic “professional or reasonable physician” standard to the “materiality of patient viewpoint” standard. …

In the “patient viewpoint” standard, a physician must disclose … the risks and benefits that a reasonable person in the patient’s position would want to know in order to a make an “informed” decision.

ACOG Committee Opinion #214 — “Patient Autonomy: The Maternal-Fetal Relationship” states that:

… medical knowledge has limitations and medical judgment is fallible. Existing methods for detection … are not always reliable indicators of poor outcome, and there is often insufficient evidence for risk-determination or risk-benefit evaluation

The role of the obstetrician should be one of an informed educator and counselor, weighing risks and benefits …. and realizing that tests, judgment and decisions are all fallible.

Abiding by the patient’s autonomous decision will provide the best care for the pregnant woman and the fetus in most circumstances.

In the event of an emergency … the obstetrician must respect the patient’s autonomy, continue to care for the pregnant woman, and not intervene against the patient’s wishes regardless of the consequences.

ACOG Committee Opinion #214 also identifies serious negative consequences when a patient’s autonomy is violated:

A woman is wronged and may be harmed, whether physically, psychologically or spiritually.

The patient’s subsequent loss of trust in the healthcare system may reduce the health care provider’s ability to help her and may deter others from seeking care.

There may be other social costs associated with this violation of individual liberty.
Its gratify to see that ACOG’s published policies acknowledge the logical and practical necessity of respecting the autonomy of childbearing women.

Walking the Talk ~

Its gratifying to read these noble statements by ACOG that appear to genuinely support a childbearing woman’s right of self-determination. Such enlightened policies are welcomed but corrective action is badly needed to actually implement these policy statements. In order for ACOG to walk-their-talk, policies that result in the systematic overuse of Cesarean surgery must be eliminated, while the professional organization actively supports and promotes VBAC. This requires ending all hospitals and obstetrical groups bans on VBAC. It also means repulsing the economic pressure by insurance carriers to do repeat Cesareans, which is a dangerous policy that actually adds unnecessary and unnatural danger.

Unfortunately when consumer groups, public health officials, family-practice physicians, midwives and childbearing families ask the obstetrical profession to honor or implement these statements — that is, to realistically support the right of childbearing to make medically-unpopular choices, including VBAC — ACOG’s Committee Opinions are not merely disregarded but actually disavowed.

Frankly, the “VBAC problem” has almost nothing to do with delivering babies and nearly everything to do with the personal preferences of physicians, defensive practice of obstetrics, and the sad fact that society, as well as doctors, lets medical malpractice carriers get away with using its own economic self-interest (without the informed consent by patients!) to deny essential services via insurance company policies that ban obstetrical care by hospitals and obstetrical groups for women who had a previous Cesarean.

Realistically, ACOG’s commendable Committee opinions upholding the rights of childbearing families to determine what is in their best interests was long ago lost in the avalanche of economic and political forces. The effects of organized medicine and for-profit insurance carriers are like an enormous glacier rolling on and on, gobbling up anything in its way. Every decade they consume a larger proportion of the political pie and ultimate suck all the oxygen out of the room for everyone else — doctors as well as childbearing women.

The other ‘big blue elephant’ hiding in plain sight right

As crucial as the Cesarean-VBAC issue is, requests for fundamental “walk-your-talk” change would be woefully inadequate if we didn’t talk about the equally urgent need for the obstetrical profession to acknowledge physiologically-managed labor and birth appropriate (science-based and cost-effective) standard of care for healthy women with normal pregnancies.

In this case, the issue is the official refusal of the obstetrical profession to acknowledge that physiologic care for healthy women with normal pregnancies is the scientific (evidence-based) model of care used worldwide with great benefit, and that physiological management of normal labor should logically also be the obstetrical standard for the healthy majority of the childbearing population.

Lets face it: It is both illogical and irrational to apply the same highly medicalized and extraordinarily expensive model of obstetrical interventions used to treat the 30% of women with medical complications and high-risk pregnancies to the 70% population of healthy childbearing women with normal pregnancies. The unproductive cost alone make this a completely unsustainable form of healthcare.

This misguided obstetrical perspective is nonetheless aggressively and repeatedly presented to the public in press releases to the media. These are picked up by Reuters, Associated Press and other news outlets and screamed out to the public in big headlines that insist non-medicalized childbirth practices (i.e. physiological management) and birth services in setting other than an acute-care hospital are dangerous, irresponsible and should be made illegal.

Its interesting to not that these biased press-releases and PR statements never mention the sky-high C-section rate and all iatrogenic complications that result from the overuse (and not infrequent misuse) of obstetrical interventions, or the obvious connections between our high C-section rate and VBAC issues such as the denial of service policies of 50% of California hospital and obstetrical groups. It almost seems that these anti-physiologic childbirth, anti-midwifery antics are are meant to be a distraction devise, to keep the public for asking embarrassing questions about the overuse or inappropriate use of obstetrical interventions in the US, including our 33% surgical birth rate.

When consumer groups, economists, midwives and childbearing families broach the subject of de-medicalizing childbirth for healthy women via physiologic care, we hear the same negative explanations promoted by the obstetrical profession in 1910. At that time, the new ob-gyn specialty characterized the obstetricalization of normal birth as the new, modern and practically risk-free way to make childbirth safer, while simultaneously insisting that any other form of care was old-fashion, inadequate and dangerous. Then as now, the profession still insists that the routine use of  obstetrical intervention is orders-of-magnitude safer than physiologically-based care.

The model the obstetrical profession is working so hard to perpetuate is a defensive practice of medicine that includes routine use of induction or augmentation of labor (> 60%), continuous electronic fetal monitoring** (93%) as  a total surgical intervention rate of  70% (episiotomy, forceps, vacuum, and Cesarean delivery), accompanied by hospital policies and physician preferences that result in only 10% of previous Cesarean mothers having a VBAC. As startling as those figures are, the really telling metric is the worldwide ranking of the US — 50th in perinatal mortality and 39th in the rate for new mothers who die of pregnancy and childbirth-related causes.

In this author’s opinion, this record is nothing to brag about.


 

** Electronic fetal monitoring (EFM) is a key element of the defensive practice of medicine worldwide.  However when EFM is used routinely in low and  moderate-risk labors, its only scientifically-validated affect is to dramatically increase the CS rate. The widely acknowledged reason for the association between EFM and increased CS rate is the paper printout or electronic record produced by the machine, combined with the ambiguous nature of EFM tracing.

Research on obstetrical interpretation of EFM information asked 130 obstetricians to determine whether or not the monitor tracing typically indicated the status of the fetus was normal, worrisome or ‘ominous’ (which indicates the need for emergent interventions). Inter-obstetrician comparison of individual results found that approximately 80% of the EFM finding were interpreted differently by different obstetricians.

Six months later these researchers returned to the same cohort of obstetricians and asked them again to categorize a set of EFM strips as OK, worrisome or ominous, but did not mention that these were the very same set of EFM tracing as before. An intra-obstetrician comparison (same doctor, same EFM strip, different time) found that a high percentage of obstetricians interpreted the same tracing differently on the second time around. Obviously this would occasion a nightmare of ‘second guessing’ between obstetrical ‘expert witnesses’ in a courtroom setting.       

This ‘perfect storm’ of EFM records and their ambiguous interpretations makes it easy for plaintiff attorneys to find some tiny blip on an EFM tracing that can be claimed as ‘proof’ of obstetrical malpractice — that a Cesarean should have been done, or should have been performed earlier in the labor.

Routine use of EFM makes the obstetrical profession a prisoner of its own project.   


 

Part 5 ~ Solutions to the VBAC Problem: Hospital-based physiological childbirth as provided by midwives and other professional birth attendants

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Part 3:

Ethical, Economic, and Personal Costs of a high-Cesarean/low-VBAC rate

As fully described in Part 2, the multiple serious complications caused by placenta previa and/or and placenta accreta-precreta are not routine childbirth problems that are prevented by new obstetrical technologies or easily solved by modern obstetrical techniques.

Instead they are extremely serious, often life-threatening complications that require specialized surgery. In many instances, this means transferring the mother to a large regional hospital that is far away from her home and family. Post-operative care after such surgery often requires the new mother to spend several days in the ICU. Bonding and breastfeeding are terribly disrupted (if not impossible) when mothers are in the ICU while their babies are in the neonatal intensive care unit (NICU). Compared to women who had non-surgical births, the length of the initial hospitalization and the mother’s risk of re-hospitalization are drastically increased for women who had a Cesarean.

When high cost of care at the time of delivery is added to the delayed and downstream complications, post-Cesarean sequela are extraordinarily expensive — a negative version of ‘the gift that keeps on giving‘. In addition to the huge financial expense, there is the human cost in morbidity (serious complications that are not fatal, but may result in permanent disabilities) and preventable loss of life months or years later.

Treatment of a placenta percreta always requires an  emergency hysterectomy, so there will be no more pregnancies for that particular mother. For many families this is a personal tragedy in addition to the physical pain, suffering and big hospital bills. There is at least one documented case of a delayed maternal death eight months after her Cesareans delivery from a bowel obstruction caused by post-op adhesions. {ref: Saras Vedam, CNM article}

The public generally assumes that repeat Cesareans are simple, safe and will eliminate all potential problems associated with laboring after a previous Cesarean, but unfortunately the risk of placenta accrete-percreta after two cesareans (0.6%) is greater than the risk of uterine scar giving away after one prior low transverse cesarean during a non-induced/augmented planned VBAC (0.4%) {Landon, Hauth, & Leveno, 2004}.

With a half million repeat cesareans every year, lack of access to vaginal birth after cesarean means the rate of abnormal placental implantation is continuing to increase exponentially.

Policies that prevent a subsequent vaginal birth merely exchanges the risk of uterine scar separation in a current pregnancy for the far more serious risk of placenta previa, abruption, accrete or percreta in a future pregnancy. Clearly this is an important public health issue.

The Central Role of Prevention ~ reducing CS rate, increase the rate of VBACs

There is no doubt that the VERY best, most humane and most cost-effective response to Cesarean-related complications is prevention. The best way, in fact, the only way to prevent the cascade of complications from a previous Cesarean is to dramatically reduce the number of primary Cesarean sections to the optimal rate (under 15%) and be certain that 100% of women who needed a Cesarean have unfettered access to non-surgical childbirth services in subsequent pregnancies if that is their choice.

When judged by the health outcomes for new mothers and babies, the optimal Cesarean section rate — a number that has the most benefit and least detriment to both mother and baby — is from 5% to 15%, depending on the health status of the childbearing population, with C-section rate between 10 and 15% as the national average. {ref} Our current 33% rate is 3 to 6 times higher.

If we reduced that 1.3 million by two-thirds (i.e. an 11% CS rate), 866,666 more American mothers would have normal vaginal births instead of Cesarean surgery. The annual number of CS would drop from over 1.3 million to a mere 433,000. This would dramatically reducing the pool of women (and nervous obstetricians!) who would have to face the issue of VBAC in future pregnancies.

A peer-reviewed paper on placenta abruption published in the American Journal of Obstetrics and Gynecology in 2006 was extraordinary for its repeated admonitions to obstetricians to avoid Cesarean delivery if at all possible. In the grave circumstance of a placenta abruption, most of us would assume that Cesarean surgery was immediately necessary.

But even in these difficult circumstances, the obstetrician-authors of this paper spent consider time discussing the virtues of ‘conservative management’ for the majority of patients who did not required immediate emergency intervention. For them, careful watching and waiting, prolonging the pregnancy as long as possible and facilitating a normal vaginal birth was advised. Under these extremely serious conditions, obstetricians are working very hard to avoid surgical delivery and to preserve the mother’s ability to give birth normally. Such efforts are to be applauded.

How minor or “ordinary” problems can work against a laboring woman

But unfortunately for healthy women with boringly normal pregnancies who don’t have any kind of high-stakes obstetrical complication to be managed (and confer subsequent bragging rights), there is not the same intense commitment by the obstetrical profession to avoid Cesarean surgery. As happens quite often, even healthy women can develop a relatively minor variation during labor, such as slow progress or minor EFM tracing that causes the physician or institution to fear the possibility of litigation.

In far too many of these ordinary cases, the ‘problem’ with vaginal birth is not any immediate maternal or fetal distress, but obstetrician or institutional ‘distress’ over a litigious risk as perceived by the obstetrical cultural. An immediate Cesarean is almost always the easy answer from the obstetrician’s personal perspective.

Unfortunately, these pro-Cesarean decisions are not an ‘easy’ for laboring women. They will be left to bear the considerable intra-operative risks and all the delayed and downstream complications amply noted.

It is too late to prevent a primary Cesarean for 1.3 million women who already had CS in each of the previous years. But the negative effects on childbearing women and the babies of future pregnancies can be eliminated or dramatically reduced by not automatically performing a repeat Cesarean, as either a matter of the obstetrical group’s policies or as a consequence of VBAC bans by the locals hospitals.

Unfortunately, that is still not the way the world is working in 2015.

Practical issues facing VBAC families in California

In a perfect world, neither hospitals, obstetricians, affected childbearing family, nor midwives would have to make the impossible choices currently associated with planning to have a normal vaginal birth after a previous Cesarean.

Instead, every community would have at least one hospital that could and would provide VBAC services. Obstetricians would be happy to care for previous Cesarean families seeking a vaginal birth, just as they currently agree to provide care other categories of pregnant women with special needs or higher risk situations.

In that perfect world, women who strongly preferred a physiologically-managed labor and birth would receive care from a midwife with hospital privileges for a planned hospital VBAC, with immediate access to a hospitalist-obstetrician in case of need.

However almost 50% of California hospitals and many obstetrical groups have VBAC bans, which functionally is a denial-of-service to affected women. Currently over 90% of women who had a previous Cesarean are being held captives by a technically lawful (but in this author’s opinion, unethical) system that nonetheless puts the economic well-being of hospitals and obstetrical groups above the lives and health of previous Cesarean mothers and their unborn/newborn babies.

These families are being asked to accept the many dangers of sequential repeat Cesareans recounted above, including death of mother, baby or both from the increased risk of complications associated with Cesarean surgery. A second or subsequent Cesarean also increases the likelihood and severity of delayed and downstream risks such a fetal demise, placenta abruption or previa and/or accrete-percreta in their next pregnancy.

Is it any wonder that the surgical focus of hospital care does not actually seem very ‘caring’ to many families, but instead is something to be avoided at all costs. These families often take the only other ‘option’ open to them, which is planning to stay out of the hospital if at all possible.

From an ethical standpoint, childbearing women should never be put in this drastic VBAC predicament best described as “between the Devil and the Deep Blue Sea”.

VBAC bans not safer; increase risks for affected childbearing women

The defensive practice of medicine that bans VBAC may make it economically more satisfactory for the institution or individual physician, but these policies clearly are not safer for mothers and babies affected by them.

The next obvious question is: What other options are available to women seeking a VBAC?

There are not a lot of options for previous Cesarean mothers-to-be living in areas of the state with VBAC blackout policies. This is even more of an extreme problem for women suffering some degree of PTSD after an exceptionally difficult hospitalization and Cesarean experience.

Regrettably, a small number of women who had a previous traumatic Cesarean delivery will choose to terminate all subsequent pregnancies rather then risk repeating what was, for them, a truly awful experience. When women with post-Cesarean PTSD do choose to maintain their pregnancy, this subset of traumatized women will do almost anything to avoid another surgical delivery. When the idea of another hospital delivery was broached, one second-time mother-to-be said:

“I just can’t go back to the scene of the crime unless me or my baby is in real trouble.”}

For extraordinarily committed women who want to avoid a repeat Cesarean, and can’t find any local hospital in California that will allow them to have a planned vaginal birth, the most frequent ‘alternatives’ they choose are:

  • Waiting for labor to start and then driving 50 to 100 miles through the desert, or over a mountain range to an urban hospital that ‘allows’ a trial of labor for previous Cesarean mothers, while hoping that the on-call obstetrician is available and is also VBAC-friendly.
  • Labor at home, and when the baby is about to be born, have someone call 911, so paramedics will be present at or immediately after the birth
  • Have an unattended home birth with a friend or family member

As noted above, there are currently few OOH options for VBAC families if midwifery care is prohibited. Essentially they are choosing between an unattended labor, having a friend help out (both are associated with than a 20- to 40-fold increase in the risk of perinatal death) or calling 911 at the last minute.

Under the difficult circumstance of hospital and obstetrical bans on VBAC and subsequent decisions to have unattended home births, there is one orders-of-magnitude safer option — planning an out-of-hospital birth attended by a professional midwife. As an educated observer with emergency response capacity, midwives provide an on-going process for risk assessment during pregnancy and childbirth, and will facilitate emergency transfer if indicated.

This brings us back circle to the role of Ca LMs in relation to childbearing women who had a previous Cesarean. Ca LMs provided prenatal care and, if everything remained normal, a professionally-attended OOH birth to over 100 families (150 in 2014 150) seeking a VBAC each year.

Compared to the alternatives, including not receiving any prenatal care or attempting an unattended birth, the professional care of a Ca LM is dramatically safer. To be sure there is no indication of a placenta previa or abnormal implantation (especially percreta), the Ca LM would arrange for an ultrasound examine during the last trimester of the pregnancy. During active labor, the presence of a professionally-trained midwife greatly increase the likelihood of detecting abnormalities and initiating an immediate transferred to the hospital before her VBAC status or other medical issues resulted in serious complications for either the mother or her unborn baby.

The crucial question remains:

  • Are California midwives an appropriate (if temporary) solution to a problem that leaves so many families with no other acceptably solutions?
  • Or should midwives simply bow-out and leave such women to an admittedly dysfunctional system that “risk-shifts” and “cost-shifts”, and when things go badly, “blame-shifts”?
  • Is it an ethical practice of medicine for hospitals and physicians to reduce their own economic and professional risks by passing them on to affected mothers and babies, while the dramatically-increased risks and costs associated with repeat Cesareans and their complications are passed on to our healthcare system and taxpayers who foot the bill for 50% of births in the US that are reimbursed by Medicaid ?

As if these dilemmas were not themselves vexing enough, the lawful choice of previous-cesarean mothers to receive care from a Ca LM is in danger of falling under a different kind of VBAC ban — the concerted effort by organized medicine in state legislatures across the country to get laws passed that would legally prohibit midwives from providing childbirth services to healthy women who had a previous Cesarean and now have a normal pregnancy.

As has been the case with previous issues medical issues that disadvantageous to CB women, while providing a clear economic advantage to doctors, the response by organized medicine is to make things worse these mothers-to-be by blocking off every other avenue, and trapping affected families between the devil and the Deep Blue Sea — a scheduled Cesarean or laboring at home unattended.

Continue on to Part 4:

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Part 2:

Risk of Primary and Repeat Cesareans and the Unintended Consequences of VBAC bans by hospitals and obstetrical groups

As discussed in part 1, hospitals and obstetricians attribute policies banning VBAC to their concerns over possible lawsuits. Viewed from this perspective, there may be a legitimate economic reasons for hospitals and obstetrical practices to ban VBACs.

But what people generally do not understand is that a hospital VBAC ban translates into mandatory repeat cesareans. Our national VBAC rate is only 10%, which means 90% of previous Cesarean mothers are being forced into unwanted and medical unnecessary repeat cesareans, along with all the attendant risks of a second or subsequent surgical delivery.

It must be remembered that both NIH and ACOG describe VBAC as a safe, reasonable, and appropriate option for most women.

According NIH, ACOG, American Academy of Family Practice Physicians and other national healthcare organizations, hospital and practice-wide VBAC bans do not have any scientific justification. At best, they represent the defensive practice of medicine.

Defensive medicine is by definition a doctor- or hospital-centered decision that may be ‘safer’ choice for the institution or individual physician, but does not provide any additional benefit to the patient or family.

The high Cesarean rate and associated risks in subsequent pregnancies

It is a happenstance of biology that the first Cesarean is much simpler surgery to perform and has significantly less risks for mother and baby than repeat Cesareans. {ref} This is not say that all primary Cesareans are simple or without complications, as confirmed by a 13-fold increase in emergency hysterectomy during or after a Cesarean delivery when compared to vaginal birth. {Obstet Gynecol. 2003 Jul;102(1):141-5}

But unfortunately for surgeons performing a second or subsequent Cesarean, this repeat operation is far more complicated due to abdominal adhesions from the previous C-seciton. The intra-operative bleeding during the first C-section, which is a normal accompaniment of all surgery, causes tough bands of tissue or ‘adhesions’ to form in the mother’s abdominal cavity, so that her uterus and/or other abdominal organs (particularly the bladder) adhere to each other in an abnormal manner. In subsequent Cesareans, the surgeon must carefully dissect this tangle of connective tissue — a time-consuming and tedious process — before the Cesarean delivery can precede.

Unfortunately, freeing the uterus from its entanglements is associated with excessive intra-operative bleeding that sometimes requires blood transfusions. Also, the tangle of adhesions in a previous-Cesarean mother can delay delivery of the baby if an emergency C-section is required in a subsequent pregnancy. {refs}

Abnormal placenta implantation & increased risk of mortality for both mother and baby in post-Cesarean pregnancies

Another post-Cesarean complication in subsequent pregnancies is a statistically-significant increased rate of placental abruption and abnormal placental implantation compared to pregnancies in women who have never had a Cesarean.

The first post-Cesarean placental issue is placental abruption during pregnancy, a situation which is usually (not not always) very painful for the mother-to-be and accompanied by bright red vaginal bleeding. In these cases, bleeding from the maternal side of the placenta lifts it off the uterine wall, which prevents that part of the placenta from exchanging oxygen and nutrients between the mother’s body and the unborn baby via the umbilical cord. If the dysfunctional area is greater than 50% of the placenta’s surface, it the fetus usually dies during pregnancy or may be stillborn.

There is increased rate of fetal demise or stillbirth of approximately 1 per 1,000 associated with placental abruption in post-Cesarean pregnancies.

However, a bigger and more frequent problem in post-Cesarean pregnancies is an abnormal implantation of the placenta, which is a potentially-fatal complication for both mother and baby.

The first type of placental problem is a called a ‘previa‘, which describes a placenta implanted at the bottom of the uterus. In this case the placenta grows over top of the cervix, blocking the baby’s access to the birth canal. Should such a woman go into labor, any dilatation of the cervix would predictably trigger a torrential hemorrhage that would be life-threatening to both mother and baby. Women with a placenta previa must always be delivered by Cesarean surgery to insure the health of both.

When classifying cases of placenta previa by whether or not the mother had a previous Cesarean, studies find that only 5% occur in women with no previous Cesarean or other invasive uterine surgery, while 50% occur to post-cesarean pregnancies.

But the down-stream complications of Cesarean don’t stop there. In addition to the higher rate of placenta previa in post-Cesarean mothers, there is also an order-of-magnitude increase in another potentially-lethal type of abnormal implantation called placenta accreta, increta, or percreta, depending on how invasively the tissue of the placenta grows into, or through the uterine wall. {ref}.

When the placenta attaches abnormally to the inner surface of the uterus it is called a ‘placenta accreta’, which is the least serious of the three types. If it invades the uterine muscle it is an ‘increta’. When it grows completely through the uterine wall it is a percreta and the most serious of the three. In cases of percreta, placental tissue that has grown through all the layers of uterus then attaches itself (and its very large blood vessels) to other abdominal organs such as the mother’s bladder.

Maternal consequences of placental accreta, increta and percreta

After delivery of the baby, an improperly implanted placenta cannot detach itself easily like a normal placenta does, and sometimes causes bleeding that can’t easily be stopped. In these cases, obstetricians must either surgically remove the placenta, or perform an emergency cesarean hysterectomy.

Post-cesarean mothers are at risk of having either or both of these placental abnormalities — placenta previa and accreta or percreta. It is a potentially deadly complication when both occur at the same time.

The really bad news is that any woman who has had prior surgery on her uterus is at a substantially increased risk of abnormal placenta implantation. Cesarean section is the most common form of uterine surgery in the United States{Guise, 2010}.

Potentially-fatal placental abnormalities and Cesarean surgery

Potentially-fatal placental abnormalities are the most well-known complication of Cesarean that the public has NEVER heard of – that is, until a childbearing woman with a history of previous Cesarean is diagnosed with this true frightening condition.

In the last 50 years, there has been 10-fold rise in abnormal placentation. During same period of time, researchers have statistically identified a direct correlation between the nearly 7-fold increase in the Cesarean section rate since 1975 and the dramatically increased frequency of placenta previa, abruption and invasive implantation of the placenta. As noted earlier, 50% of childbirth-related emergency hysterectomies are associated with the downstream complications of Cesarean surgery. {Ob.Gyn.News Dec 5, 2002, Vol 37, No 24}

Placenta percreta is the most extreme form of these three conditions. It is always a life-threatening situation, and requires a hysterectomy to be performed after a Cesarean delivery of the baby. Even in the very best of hospitals, with an experienced team of surgeons, interventional radiologist and hematologist all present in the OR, the mortality rate for women with a placenta percreta is seven percent. {ACOG, 2012 & Ob.Gyn.News Mar 1 01, Vol 36}

Maternal morbidity associated with percreta includes multiple blood transfusions, admission to the ICU, iatrogenic complications, drug reactions and hospital-acquired antibiotic-resistant infection such as MERSA. Drug-resistant hospital infections are associated with the most dreaded complication of all — necrotizing fasciitis. This flesh-eating bacteria destroys vital organs such as kidneys and intestines, and shuts off blood circulation to arms and legs; this quickly spreading type of gangrene frequently requires amputated of all four limbs.

One prominent expert in the field, in discussing his recent experience with a placenta precreta patient, stated:

“Even when physicians are prepared and well equipped, (percreta) can be extremely dangerous. … the patient ended up going into cardiac arrest during the procedure and had post-operative complications that kept her in the hospital for 20 days.” {Ob.Gyn.News Mar 1 01, Vol 36}

Perinatal Consequences of Placental Abnormalities

These serious placental problems are not just a risk for the childbearing woman. A large retrospective study of post-Cesarean pregnancies found an increased risk for fetal demise and stillbirth due to placenta abruption.  A growing body of evidence suggests that abnormal implantation of the placenta is due to uterine scarring after cesarean section. This can cause problems for the fetus in the next pregnancy and has been linked to unexplained stillbirth. {Ob.Gyn.News May 15, 2003, Vol 38, No.10}

Neonatal deaths from abnormal placental implantation also occur as a result of prematurity, which is associated with this placental problem. As many as 43% of these babies who were delivered early weighed less than 5 ½ pounds at birth {Eshkoli, Weintraub, Sergienko, & Sheiner, 2013}.

The rising rate of placental implantation problems parallels the rising rate of cesarean surgery in the US: from 1 in 4,027 pregnancies in the 1970s, to 1 in 2,510 pregnancies in the 1980s, to 1 in 533 from 1982-2002 {American College of Obstetricians and Gynecologists {ACOG}; 2012}.

But what is most disturbing is that the risk for all 5 of these placental abnormalities rises with each additional cesarean surgery (Silver, Landon, Rouse, & Leveno, 2006).

Continue to Part 3: Ethical, Economic, personal and societal cost of a high-Cesarean/low-VBAC rate

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 The VBAC Controversy and Ca LMs

Part 1 ~ VBAC in California ~ Access-to-Care & Denial-of-Service Issues

Adapted and expanded upon from Jan Kemal’s VBAC article posted on the Science & Sensibility website

http://www.scienceandsensibility.org/?s=vbac

Introduction:

Cesarean section is the single most frequently performed major surgery in the world today. The CS rate in the US, which is among the highest in the world, is most frequently performed on the healthiest and most economically-advantaged women.

Once a country’s Cesarean section rate exceeds the optimal level of 5% to 15%, Cesarean delivery is not associated with improved maternal or neonatal outcomes in developed countries  (such as the US) with an essentially healthy childbearing population.

The role of California licensed midwives (Ca LMs) in caring for pregnant women who previously had a Cesarean is controversial. However such a controversy cannot be addressed without providing context for the issue and a considerable amount of background information.

As two sides of the same coin, Cesarean delivery is the most expensive and statistically important maternity care issues of our time, while the lack of VBAC services is emblematic of bigger problems with an overly medicalized maternity care system that focuses on surgical delivery while failing to adequately support physiologic childbirth.

To understand VBAC issues it necessary to know the annual rate of Cesarean surgeries in the US, and the risks associated with a first or ‘primary’ C-section, including delayed and downstream complications, as well as the secondary and greater set of risks specific to repeat Cesareans. For the reasons outlined below, subsequent Cesarean surgery has an additional set of risks and downstream complications that do not apply to the original or primary C-section.

Another important topic is the functional access to non-surgical childbirth services, in this case Vaginal Birth After Cesarean or VBAC, in subsequent pregnancies for healthy women whose families want to avoid additional surgical risks and increased expense associated with elective or ‘repeat’ Cesareans.

Maternal-Infant Outcome Statistics for the US

Compared to countries with more cost-effective maternity care systems and far better maternal-infant outcomes, the US currently ranks 39th in maternal mortality and 50th in neonatal deaths. In spite these shocking numbers, maternity care for healthy childbearing women in the US is orders-of-magnitude more expensive and its focus on medicalized care often fails to meet the most basic needs of healthy childbearing families.

In 2002, 2006, and 2013, the highly-respected consumer advocacy group Childbirth Connection (formerly the Maternity Center Association of NYC)  conducted formal surveys — Listening to Mothers — on the care received by maternity patients in the United States.

All three consumer surveys documented a universal pattern of medicalization (99%) in hospital labors and births that included the routine use of seven or more medical and surgical interventions. Seventy percent (70%) of new mothers reported at least one surgical intervention (episiotomy, vacuum, forceps or C-section). The women in these surveys were essentially healthy, with a normal pregnancy and a single fetus in a head-down position.

The resurgence of professional midwifery in the US is just one of many indicators of a growing frustration in many sectors with a medicalized and extremely expensive model of care that regularly turns the normal biology of spontaneous childbirth into a costly surgical procedure with serious risks. This includes intra-operative, immediate post-operative, delayed and downstream complications such as secondary infertility, placental abnormalities and stillbirth in a future pregnancy.

As judged by public health criteria, the US currently has the largest number of healthy, well-fed, well-educated, and adequately insured women of childbearing age in our nation’s history. We also have the most sophisticated and high-tech system of medical care of any country in the world.

Unfortunately, the confluence of these facts has not yet lived up to its obvious potential. One would expect the use of these advanced techniques and technologies to accurately identity, with laser-like accuracy, the small minority of childbearing women who actually benefit from these extraordinary medical and surgical interventions. This would then allow the obstetrical profession to use their considerable knowledge and skills to support and promote uncomplicated normal births for the healthy majority of childbearing women (over 70%) in a variety of low-tech and cost-effective settings.

Instead the most interventive and expensive form of childbirth in the history of the human species as been institutionalized in the US, with over 1.3 million women giving birth by Cesarean section each year. This is approximately equal to the number of students that graduate from college each year in the US.

In a 1996 the Medical Leadership Council, an association of more than 2,000 US hospitals, issued a report on cesarean delivery. The MLC concluded that the cesarean rate in US was:

“medicine’s equivalent of the federal budget deficit; long recognized as [an] abstract national problem, yet beyond any individual’s power, purview or interest to correct.”

Since those words were penned in 1996, the C-section rate shot up by 60% in all categories and ages of childbearing women – young as well as older mothers, those who are low-risk as well as women with health or pregnancy complications, with the economically-advantaged segment of the population having a higher rate of surgical delivery than is the average for the childbearing population as a whole.

A 2007 paper by the World Health Organization (reference below) compared worldwide CS rates with maternal and infant outcomes. It noted that higher CS rates do not confer additional health gains on new mothers or babies, but often increase maternal risks. This additional risks have negative personal implications for future pregnancies, as well as overburdening the country’s health services.

The paper noted that: “CS levels may respond primarily to economic determinants“, an observation that helps explain why the healthy and wealthy have more CS than the poor, who actually have a higher rate of pregnancy complications and other medical indications for Cesarean delivery.

 “Rates of caesarean section: analysis of global, regional and national estimates” by Ana P. Betrán, et al Pediatric and Perinatal Epidemiology, vol 21, pp 98 – 113, 2007 W.H.O.

Cesarean rates & VBAC in the US ~ availability of VBAC in California

According to the most recent statistics from the Centers for Disease Control (CDC), more than a million (1,284,339 to be exact) cesareans were performed in the United States in 2013. The current Cesarean rate in the US is 33%. That’s one surgical delivery for every three births in the US, a number that applies to young healthy women of normal weight who have a single fetus in a head-down position, as well as older or heavier women whose singleton pregnancy or personal health status may be far than less ideal.

According to multiple studies, the explanation most often given for the drastically increased rate of Cesareans performed in the US over the last 40 years is increased maternal age, increased body weight of the childbearing population, and/or the use of artificial reproductive technologies (ART), etc. But the actual statistical record does not support these ideas

With the exception of the very highest level of risk (under 1% of childbearing women), the increased rate of Cesarean delivery is relatively consistent across all categories of age and other health-related criteria. {ref: Eugene Declercq}, with one important distinction — the rich and famous are still statistically more likely to have Cesarean surgery than the poor and the ill.

Life after the first Cesarean

Irrespective of these demographics, each year hundreds of thousands of previous Cesarean mothers will find themselves pregnant again. Only a tiny fraction have a repeating medical condition that requires a repeat Cesarean, while the vast majority will face the issue of whether to schedule an elective repeat Cesarean or plan to go into labor normally, and if all goes well, have a normal spontaneous vaginal birth (VBAC) in a local hospital.

The National Institutes of Health (NIH) and the American College of Obstetricians and Gynecologists (ACOG) have both described vaginal birth after cesarean as a safe, reasonable, and appropriate option for most women.

In spite of recommendations based on solid statistical data, almost half (approximately 50%) of American hospitals ban VBAC – that is, disallow a normal vaginal birth in a laboring woman who previously had Cesarean. Instead hospital policies require these women to either submit to an unwanted repeat Cesarean. or leave their facility while in labor to either find a VBAC-friendly hospital or return home to give birth unattended.

Many individual obstetrical groups also refuse to attend a vaginal birth after a previous Cesarean. Together VBAC bans by hospitals and obstetrical groups help explain California’s extremely low VBAC rate of only 9%, which means 91% of previous Cesarean mothers in California are routinely being exposed to major abdominal surgery for all additional pregnancies.

Hospitals attribute policies banning VBAC to their concerns over possible lawsuits. Obstetricians often point to ACOG policies that require them to be physically present in the hospital the entire time that VBAC women are in labor, which is obviously inconvenient and time-consuming.

Doctors also site higher liability insurance premiums, since providing normal childbirth services to women who are having a VBAC would disqualify them from receiving the medical malpractice equivalent of a ‘good driver discount’. A reduction in the cost of liability insurance is offered by some med-mal insurance carriers to obstetricians who agree not to attend a planned vaginal birth for women with a previous Cesarean and those with a breech baby or twin pregnancy.

Continue to Part 2: Cesarean rates and availability of VBAC in the US

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Part 3 ~

Part 2 chronicled the the history of how Twilight Sleep drugs, episiotomy, forceps, manual removal of the placenta and other interventions became the standard for normal childbirth services in the US from 1910 to 1980.

The relationship of the obstetrical model to normal childbirth has changed very little since obstetrics was standardized in 1910. It still applies a fixed set of obstetrical interventions to both low and high risk women. Even though the modern rate of pregnancy complications is small fraction of what it was in the early 1900s, the rate of obstetrical interventions has increased every decade for nearly a hundred years. At this point in our history, it is dramatically disproportionate to the rate of complicated pregnancies.

Obstetrical game-changer: the many-headed monster of malpractice litigation

Despite an extraordinarily high rate of iatrogenic complications from the routine use of multiple invasive interventions, malpractice litigation was extraordinarily rare during most of these decades.

But in 1960, the US Supreme Court changed the medical litigation game by ruling that the ‘community standard of care’, for purposes of malpractice claims, was no longer restricted to just the physical location in which the physician being sued lived and worked, but functionally encompassed the entire profession of medicine.

That meant that plaintiff’s attorneys for a lawsuit being tried in California could hire a doctor from New York — someone who was not part of the local ‘old boys’ network’ — to testify as an expert witness. Prior to that, physicians living in the same community rarely testified against another doctor for fear of future reprisals.  However, without insider testimony on the very local ‘community standard of care’, it was nearly impossible to get a favorable verdict in a malpractice suit.

The Supreme Court’s new ruling was the starting gun of the new medical malpractice races, and all bets have been off ever since!            

Problems in Mudville

During the first part of the 20th century (1910-1960), leaders in the obstetrical community enthusiastically assured the public that the use of the right obstetrical techniques could and would guarantee a good outcome for both mother and baby each and every time. The obstetrical profession was lavishly in its promises to the public that simply engaging the services of an obstetrician (instead of a family doctor or midwife) would eliminate every problematic aspect of childbirth. Unfortunately for all of us, this was a promise that could not be kept.

Over the last quarter of the 20th century, as more and more medical and surgical interventions were being done to an every enlarging percentage of childbearing women, the number of medical malpractice suits began to soar. The idea that all bad outcomes were the consequence of ‘sub-standard’ care by the doctor and/or the hospital had inadvertently set obstetrical profession up as a target for malpractice lawsuits. By 1975 there true a ‘malpractice crisis’ all across the country. In an attempt to reduce the litigious risks to obstetricians, they began to practice defensive medicine.

One aspect of this preoccupation with avoiding malpractice litigation at all costs was a steady drumbeat over the last 40 years for obstetricians to stop waiting passively for spontaneous labor to begin. Instead routine induction suddenty found great favor. Replacing normal vaginal birth with elective use of Cesarean surgery was promoted as an easy and nearly risk-free way to save the lives of babies with only a very small increase in otherwise preventable maternal deaths*.

[*Prophylactic Cesarean Section, NEJM 1984]

Legal issues are also a huge factor in the profession’s normalization of routine repeat Cesareans in all post-cesarean pregnancies.

The result is a profoundly dysfunctional maternity care system, one that has a national Cesarean section rate of 33%, with a matching rise in the delayed and downstream complications of Cesarean surgery, as well as an increasing rate of maternal mortality. Another iatrogenic complication of defensive obstetrical medicine is the increase in the rate of prematurity in the US due to inducing mothers-to-be before their babies are due.

Regrettably,  this Cesarean-centric strategy did NOT, as was hoped and promised, dramatically reduced or eliminated maternal or have a positive impact on either perinatal mortality or lowering the rate of cerebral palsy cases.

The rate of Cesareans is currently three times higher than the WHO’s ‘optional rate of 10 to 15%, but despite all that cutting, the neonatal mortality rate has not improved, while the maternal mortality rate has actually risen from a low of 8 per 100,000 in 1982 to as high as 17 in 100,000 in 2007. Currently the MMR is 12 per hundred thousand.  

All and all, the obstetrical profession is now chasing its tail at a faster and faster pace, as the defensive practice of obstetrics has become the core organizer for obstetrical services based on the hope that legal ‘risk-reduction’ strategies will  reducing the risk of doctor or hospital getting sued.

As time moves forward, the legal strategies of attorneys are more and more are being substituted for good medical judgement by doctors, commonsense and proper informed patient consent to such treatments. 


WANTED: a Mother-Baby-Father-friendly maternity care system that both functions for childbearing families and is a cost-effective form of healthcare

The lived reality of our current obstetrically-centric maternity care system is neither rational nor logical. Statistics for mother-baby outcomes have never shown the medicalization of normal childbirth to provide superiors outcomes or more cost-effective care for healthy childbearing women with normal pregnancies.  

And yet the surgical speciality of obstetrics and gynecology has systematically, over the course of the last century, completely taken over the care of essentially healthy women and turned that highly medicalized model of care into the standard for all maternity care in the US.

What is both surprising and disturbing is that no one at a policy level has asked the obvious question: 

  • Does it make sense to turn healthy women with normal pregnacies into the patients of a surgical speciality and normal childbirth into a surgical procedure ‘performed’ by an obstetrically-trains surgeon

The critical missing element for maternity care in the US is systematically providing physiologically-based maternity care to the majority of the childbearing population (70-plus percent). 

Equally unexamined is the affect of society’s uncritical acceptance of this unscientific premise over the entire 20th century and well into the 21st. For the last half century, obstetrics has been a surgical specialty beleaguered by the need to practice defensive medicine. The uncritical acceptance of the idea of that obstetrical surgeons should be the primary provider for normal childbirth in healthy women has become more and more pernicious for families over the last 40 years, as efforts to reduce medical malpractice litigation have become the central organizing principle of modern obstetrical practice. 

For obstetricians and nurse-midwives that means following mandatory medicalized protocols impressed by hospitals, who are also trying to protect themselves against litigation, as well as tying to keep costs down. Under such conditions it is no surprise that obstetrical care is not longer focused on mothers and babies (the original meaning of ‘maternity’ care) and instead has turned inward and is mainly focused on the needs of obstetrical providers and institutions.

If that were not the case, the considerable influence of the obstetrical profession would have been used to both eliminate VBAC bans and to promote normal vaginal birth whenever and wherever possible, while working to remove economic roadblocks, instead of occasionally cluck their tongues over the ‘VBAC problem’, while quietly accepting of the self-serving behavior of hospitals and medical malpractice carriers that have instituted bans on VBACs.

Solutions to the VBAC Problem: Hospital-based physiological childbirth as provided by midwives and other professional birth attendants

If the obstetrical profession is in fact committed to reducing the number of Cesarean performed in the US (the very best answer to the ‘VBAC problem’), they will need to support the physiological management of normal childbirth for what it is — the science-based standard of care for healthy women with normal pregnancies.

This would require the following:

  • Passage of legislation that would create standard informed consent for obstetrical procedures by providing full, accurate, factual, and scientifically valid information about the known risks and benefits associated with the routine intrapartum use of the following: immobilization in bed during active stages of labor, continuous EFM, IVs, induction or augmentation of labor with drugs that speed-up labor, AROM, IUPC, narcotics pain medications, epidural and other forms of anesthesia for normal childbirth, episiotomy, forceps, vacuum extraction, and the specific risks of primary as compared to repeat Cesarean surgery. This would enable childbearing women and their families to provide fully and accurately-informed consent before these interventions and procedures are used during labor or birth, thus reducing the risk of subsequent malpractice suits and other kinds of legal action against their providers or the hospital.
  • Adding the principles of physiological management for normal labor and birth to the standard medical school curriculum
  • Teaching the skills and techniques that support physiologic childbirth during the training of obstetrical residents
  • Insisting that ACOG include physiologically management as a recognized aspect of the scope of practice for obstetricians OR that hospital L&D units be staffed by professional midwives who will physiologically manage the labor of all healthy laboring women unless obstetrical interventions are medically indicated
  • Facilitating hospital privileges for all California professional midwives (including midwives licensed by the California Medical Board)
  • Insisting that all hospitals eliminate VBAC bans and that medical malpractice carriers not financially discriminate (by fee hikes or refusing liability coverage) against the provision of VBAC
  • Acknowledge that a tiny minority of previous Cesarean women have a right, with fully informed consent, to choose to midwifery care in an OOH setting even though it is not the most optimal choice under such circumstances

Most women who previously had a Cesarean would not choose OOH midwifery care if they had access to in-hospital midwifery management.  For the few mothers who had such a traumatic experience that, as they put it, they: ” just can’t return to scene of the crime” can, with good informed consent, be satisfactorily cared for in a OOH setting by professional midwives.

So far as I know, the obstetrical profession in general and ACOG as its active spokesmen are currently promoting or supporting of any these vitally important solutions.

Until they do so voluntarily, or legislation is passed mandating these actions, we will continue to have an irrational, illogical, unproductively expensive, and ultimately unethical maternity care system that is the product of a special interests and not the least “mother-baby-father-family friendly.

This editorial is the preamble to the California College of Midwives’ position statement on the VBAC issues as it affects childbirth families and Ca LMs. Click here for CCM’s VBAC Statement,  Part 1. 

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Click here to read Part 1 ~ How the maternity care system (care for healthy childbearing women) in the US originally became illogical 

Part 2 ~ Obstetrical management of normal childbirth ~ 1910-1980images-6

By 1910, the ‘standard of care’ for normal childbirth as defined by the new surgical discipline of obstetrics and gynecology was (no surprise!) an intensely medical and surgical modelAs the scientific developments of each successive decade brought more and better treatments for the rare but still real complications of pregnancy and childbirth, professional enthusiasm lead to a lengthening list of medical and surgical procedures that were being used with decreasing medical justification and increasing frequency.

Interventions originally developed to treat specific complications were used routinely, which is to say preemptively, based on an assumption that the prophylactic use of a specific treatment for a particular complication would prevent that particular complication from occurring.

The distinction btw traditional childbirth practices of midwifery & the new surgical discipline of obstetrics & gynecology

As a new surgical discipline, obstetrics wanted to distinguish itself from the historical practice of midwifery. Midwives and country doctors provided non-medical support for the normal biology and physiology of childbearing, with medical and surgical interventions used only if serious complication required them. But by 1910 obstetrically-trained surgeons had developed dramatically different childbirth practices based on routine medical and surgical interventions used prophylactically. But the newly developing obstetrical profession believed their ‘modern’ model of care was vastly superior, while the model used by midwives and country doctors was “old-fashioned”, “inadequate” and “dangerous”.

The Great Divide ~
Before and After Common Knowledge of the Germ Theory
of contagion & infectious disease (BC vs AC)

During the preantibiotic stage of human history (prior to 1940), there was absolutely no medical treatment for the systemic bacterial infections called “blood poisoning” by the lay public and sepsis or ‘septicemia’ by the medical profession. This included the potentially-fatal septic condition following surgery (known as ‘post-op’ infections) and following childbirth, known as ‘childbed fever’ or puerperal sepsis, for which hospitalized maternity were particularly at risk.

Historically hospitals have always been recognized as bio-hazardous environments. Before recognition of microscopic pathogens, no one, including doctors, understood the critical role played by ordinary cleanliness and simple hand-washing. That doctors and hospital staff needed to disinfect their hands by scrubbing with soap and running water, use disinfectants to kill bacteria on floors, bedding, supplies and equipment, and steam to sterilize surgical instruments between patients would have been seen as illogical and a waste of time.

The story of modern biological science, and how individual scientists discovered microscopic life-forms later identified as pathogenic, is long and fascinating. Research over more than two centuries eventually lead to the “Germ Theory” in 1881, with bacteria, protozoa and viruses identified as the causative agent in contagion and infectious disease. This, in turn, lead to the discovery of anti-microbial drugs (sulfa  marketed in 1934) and antibiotic drugs (penincillin in 1945) able to effectively treat potentially fatal infections.

A quick ride in the Way-back Machine

The backstory of modern medicine began in the 17th century, when Van Leeuwenhoek (1632-1723), the Dutch drapery merchant-lens grinder-amateur inventor and budding scientist who first discovered “wee beasties” in the drop of water he was examining under the single-lens microscope that he personally made for himself. These one-celled bacteria and protozoa appeared to him as wiggling threads, long strings of undulating rods and beads and rapidly twilling spirals. 

Over the next two centuries, each new scientist investigator slowly advanced our knowledge of the biological sciences by standing on the shoulders of the scientists who had come before. The last and most famous is the French chemist Louis Pasteur, whose is best known as having developed the simple process we call ‘pasteurization’ still used everyday to make certain foods, especially wine and milk, safe to drink.

Pasteur studied the purification (spoiling) of liquids and infection in humans (a topic later known as microbiology and bacteriology) for several decades before publishing the final conclusions of his research in 1881.

This was the progenitor moment that created the conditions necessary to develop modern medical science as we think of as it today.  

Without a thorough understanding of the Germ Theory of infectious disease and anti-microbial drugs,  be our modern hospital system could not exist. They would be unable to offer emergency room care of to patients with traumatic injuries, or perform brain surgery, organ transplants, or even a simple appendectomy without risking a fatal infection a large proportion of the time. As was said in the 18th and 19th century,”the surgery was a success but the patient died anyway”. The reason was usually a post-operative infection. 

The contemporary English surgeon Joseph Lister was one of those physician-scientists that built on the work of those who went before him. By happenstance Lister was fluent in French and thus able to read all of Pasteur’s earlier publications. This information allowed Lister to develop a new understanding of these issues. He particularly addressed the surgeon’s eternal conundrum characterized as “the surgery was a success, but the patient died” and answered the question of why an operation on an un-infected body cavity (such as skull, chest, abdomen, scrotum, etc) produced a surgical wound infection 95% of the time.

In hospitalized patients, post-operative deaths from septicemia ran as high as 50 to 100% of cases, depending on what part of the body was involved. With his new knowledge, Dr. Lister developed the principles of  asepsis and sterile technique, which he used during operations with great success. The strict use of aseptic and sterile surgical techniques dropped his post-op mortality rate to just 3 to 5%. These scientific principles still form absolute bedrock of modern surgical techniques today, as the standard of practice for preventing infection in surgical patients. For this extraordinary and game-changing accomplishment, he was knighted and became Queen Victoria’s official surgeon. As Sir Joseph Lister, he is remembered by history as the ‘father of modern surgery‘.

General application of Lister’s principles

Lister’s aseptic principles and ideas of sterilization came to be known as “Listerization”. Antiseptic practices originally developed for operating rooms and surgical wards were soon applied to nurses and doctors both and then expanded to include the entire hospital. Historically hospitals were often referred to as ‘death houses’ since they were where the homeless and medically-indigent went to die. People who had families or economic resources avoided hospitals at all costs. Becasue they were so bio-hazardous doctors normally provide medical care to middle and upper-class families in their homes. Surgeries were literally performed on kitchen table-tops because that was safer than a hospital. Nurses were hired to care for recovering patients in their own homes.  

More than 30 years after the historical Austrian obstetrician (Ignaz Semmelweis) first identified the hands of doctors, medical students and nursing staff as the vector that spread childbed fever, hand-washing finally took its rightful place as the most basic element of the ‘modern’ practice of medicine. Hospitals got rid of all their carpets and upholstered furniture, walls were washed with disinfectants, and floors regularly swabbed with strong germicides. Scrupulous hand-washing by physicians and the nursing staff became the new standard; the results were nothing short of miraculous.  

Suddenly the human experience with infection was dramatically transformed nearly overnight. This affected personal hygiene, public sanitation, government health policies, medical care in general and hospitals in particular, as knowledgeable professionals were equipped to control their bio-hazards and drastically reduce contagion and cross-patient contamination.

In addition to other advances in the biological sciences and in chemistry and physics (ex. x-rays and other diagnostic technology), the principles developed and implemented by Lister paved the way for our modern relationship with hospitals as relatively safe places for medical treatments and surgical procedures. 

The medical no-man’s land of between 1881 and 1945

But in a pre-antibiotic world, the word relatively was still a very important. While far fewer patients acquired a nosocomial (hospital-origin) infection, the stark reality for those who did get one of these potentially-fatal infections was unchanged since there was absolutely NO effective treatment for sepsis until sulfa drugs first become available in the US in 1938 and penicillin in March 1945.

In the 60 or so years between the discovery of the germ theory and the development of effective antibiotic treatments — a time I describe as a ‘no man’s land — the most rigorous attention to aseptic principles was still not enough to actually eliminate all fatal nosocomial infections. Regrettably it was not uncommon for virulent pathogens to spread between sick and healthy patients, or between the hands of medical and nursing staff (or contaminated hospital equipment or supplies), which in turn infected healthy patients.

Without access to antibiotics, the prevention of infection assumed center stage in hospitals, most especially for hospitalization maternity patients. In the early 1900s the only option available to assure strict asepsis was to “Listerize” childbirth — that is, adopt the same aseptic principles and sterile techniques developed by Dr. Joseph Lister for performing surgery.

[Demons under the Microscope" by Thomas Hagar, 2007]

Other aspects of Listerization included restricted access to the L&D unit, allowing ONLY hospital personnel dressed in special surgical garb (scrub suits), caps and masks who, prior to entering, used a special scrubbing technique with antiseptic soap. Unfortunately, these antiseptic protocols also eliminated the presence husbands and other family members. 

Preventative Medicalization of Labor

During the first or ‘dilatation’ stage of labor, newly admitted labor patients found themselves alone in a hospital bed, socially isolated and no doubt, anxious and afraid. However, they were soon to be medicated by L&D nurses, who on doctors’ orders gave every labor woman large, frequently repeated doses of narcotics and scopolamine (amnesic drug referred to as ‘Twilight Sleep”). This was to assuring that all mothers-to-be had absolutely no memory of the labor or birth; this was a purposeful strategy to prevent a possible psychotic reaction (or other mental breakdown) by the labor patient due to the stress or pain of labor.

(ref: Twilight Sleep: New Discoveries in Painless Childbirth, Williams, 1914) 

Preventative care for normal birth ~ an obstetrically-managed surgical procedure 

The obstetrical management of the second stage of labor — birth of the baby — under the Lister’s principles of asepsis and sterile technique was now referred to as the surgical procedure of “delivery”. That required doctors and nurses to don surgical scrub suits, caps, masks, sterile gloves and to enforce a strict “no admittance” policy to any but L&D staff in appropriate surgical garb. 

EDITing – 08-28-2016 ~ The heavily drugged mother, who still under the amnesia effects of Twilight Sleep drugs, was then moved by stretcher to the sterile OR-type delivery room. After being moved over to the operating table, the legs of the mother-to-be put in stirrups. One of the essential features of Dr. Lister’s original techniques for aseptic surgery depended on the surgical patient remaining perfectly still at all times to properly preserve the sterile field, which in turn allowed the surgeon to do the best and safest job possible. This naturally required that the patient be rendered unconscious under general anesthesia. Obstetricians also found it necessary to  This was done to render her unconscious so she would be able to lay perfectly still, something that otherwise was nearly impossible for a woman in the throes of pushing stage labor. This was a core aspect of Lister’s requirements for sterile technique, as it guaranteed that doctor would be able to maintain absolute control over the sterile field and other aspect of surgical sterility.   ,

she was given general anesthesia.

The actual ‘delivery’ was conducted as a strict surgical procedure that began with the episiotomy. This meant cutting into the mother’s birth canal with a sterile surgical scissor, a procedure considered necessary to prevent the mother from possibly having a serious perineal tear. Forceps were then used to ‘lift’ the baby out, an action believed to prevent possible neurological damage to the baby if the birth had proven difficult birth. The use of forceps was also believed to prevent damage to the mother’s pelvic floor, thus preventing ‘female troubles’ (such as incontinence) in the future.

The third and final stage of labor — delivery of the placenta — included that manual removal of the placenta (physically peeling it off the wall of the uterus), which was done to prevent postpartum hemorrhage. The surgical procedure of delivery concluded with suturing the episiotomy incision. Obstetricians generally believe that it is easier to suture an episiotomy incision than a naturally occurring tear. 

{Ref: obstetrical textbook "Principles and Practice of Obstetrics", by Dr Joseph DeLee, 1924 edition} 

In the decades before the discovery of antibiotics, the highly medicalized style of care introduced in 1910 was a last-ditch attempt to eliminate puerperal sepsis (childbed fever) in hospitalized maternity patients and by sheer happenstance, this ‘perfect storm’ of events resulted in most profound change in childbirth practices in the history of the human species.  

Trying to fool Mother Nature: a smart idea or iatrogenic problem?

Each of these prophylactic interventions were associated with a significant number of well-known risks, many of which had more serious or long-term morbidity or mortality than the possible complication they were thought to prevent. In contemporary times, complications that occur as a result of medical care or medical procedures are called ‘iatrogenic’.  

Many obstetrical interventions in normal childbirth are known to have iatrogenic implications. For instance the use of general anesthesia for normal childbirth (approximately 4 million births a year) as part of the Listerization protocols adopted in 1910 resulted in the complications of general anesthesia being identified in 1960 as the third leading cause of maternal deaths for the previous decade (1950 to 59). 

As for the negative consequence of general anesthesia on unborn and newborn babies, exact figures are hard to come. However several historical sources (incl. Levy, 1917) identified a 40% increase in birth injuries  and perinatal mortality during the first decade of Listerization. The unborn babies of hospitalized labor patients were also being exposed to repeated doses of narcotics, general anesthesia and forceps deliveries. 

A more complex example is the pre-emptive use of the treatment for a retained placenta, i.e. routine manual removal. This surgical procedure requires obstetricians to reach a gloved hand up into the mother’s uterus and use his/her fingertips to separate the placenta from the uterine wall. To the obstetrical profession, it seemed perfectly logical that immediately removing the placenta (instead of waiting for the mother to expel it naturally) would eliminate all possibility of a retained placenta and/or excessive postpartum bleeding. Surely this apparently ‘simply’  procedure would greatly improve obstetrical care.

But unfortunately, routinely reaching a glove hand up into the uterus risks traumatically damaging the uterine lining. This can and does produce the very complication — massive hemorrhage — that doctors were seeking to prevent by manually removing the placenta.

It also introduced potentially-fatal bacteria by dramatically increased the likelihood that a virulent bacteria will be carried from the vagina (which is not a sterile body cavity) up into the uterus, which is and needs to remain sterile. During the pre-antibiotic era of human history (before 1945) fatal infections acquired during the childbirth process accounted for 1/3 of all maternal deaths.   

On a case by case basis, the individual complications associated with the pre-emptive use of these invasive interventions were not perceived to be iatrogenic complications, but rather just a “proof of theory”, i.e. evidence confirming that childbirth was indeed pathologically dangerous.

Such “irrefutable” proof of danger seemed to justify, for safety’s sake, any level of intervention in normal birth. Complications associated with the preemptive use of interventions were obviously regrettable, but interpreted as an unpreventable kind of ‘collateral damage’ — the price that a few but very unlucky women paid so many luckier women could to be saved from the disasters of normal childbirth. 

Because the obstetrical profession did not (and still does not) recognize this iatrogenic blow-back as the dangerous side effects of medically unnecessary interventions, there has never been any reason for them to re-evaluate the safety and appropriateness of the idea that highly medicalized routine childbirth practices are better and safer than the non-interventive and supportive model of physiologic care.

Obstetrical Management, circa 2015: more, better and newer interventions, but the same shot-gun approach

Beginning in the late 1970s and early 1980s, the new sub-speciality of obstetrical anesthesiology make routine access to epidural anesthesia available in the L&D units of larger hospitals. As a result, the use of narcotics during labor and general anesthesia for delivery quickly fell out of fashion, being replaced by epidural anesthesia given early in labor, which could be easily  “topped-off” during the pushing state, or its level raised to surgical anesthesia if a Cesarean was decided upon.

The historical use of forceps was likewise replaced by the ease of vacuum extraction and popularity of Cesarean surgery. Now that obstetrical anesthesiologists were immediately on hand (since they were required to be present to in the L&D unit to monitor epidurals), transitions to a surgical delivery was an wonderfully seamless.

With notable (and much appreciated!) exceptions, obstetricians generally don’t believe that the right use of gravity is of much value, that is, using physiologically-based care that lets mothers remain mobile and able to be upright, out-of-bed, and able to squat to push. As members of a surgical specialty, obstetricians don’t see physiological management as part of their job description. Even if it were, the ubiquitous use of epidural in today’s obstetrical departments makes the practical use of gravity virtually impossible. 

In any event, the liberal use of induction, Cesarean section, electronic fetal monitor machines that go ‘ping’, and many other new, but no less invasive, forms of interventions have replaced the most of historical forms of medicalization.

But at the most fundamental level, the modern model of obstetrical medicalization still represents the most profound change in childbirth practices in the history of the human species. At its most basic level, it is still a late 19th century model based on the same erroneous assumption that drove the newly emerging surgical specialty of obstetrics to medicalize and subsequently Listerize normal childbirth in 1910. 

Continued to part 3 of the Preamble to the CCM’s VBAC statement

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This is a preamble to the
California College of Midwives’
formal statement on VBAC.

The high-profile need for VBAC services is a direct result of the high CS rate in the United States. VBAC has become particularly controversial because 50% of California hospitals ban VBACs; a large proportion of obstetrical practices refuse to provide obstetrical care for a normal vaginal birth after a previous Cesarean.

As spokesperson for the California College of Midwives, we see normal childbirth after a C-section as the tip of a huge and troubling iceberg in the realm of childbirth services in the US. The Cesarean-VBAC situation is just the most visible and well-documented aspect of a dysfunctional maternity care system — one that talks a good talk but doesn’t generally value vaginal birth, or provide appropriate & effective support for the spontaneous physiology of childbirth in healthy women.

Each decade of the 20th and 21st centuries has been accompanied by an ever increasing the level of obstetrical intervention that drastically expanded indications and dramatically lowered the bar for their use. As well-documented by statistics from the CDC,  induction and augmentation of labor in essentially healthy women and Cesarean delivery account for more than 50% of the care provided in hospital obstetrical units across the country.

In addition to the physical and emotional impact of surgical birth on the new mother and her family, these women bare a significantly increased risk of morbidity and mortality when compared to women who had vaginal births. For example, intra-operative and post-operative complications of Cesarean surgery include torrential hemorrhage and a 13-fold increase in emergency hysterectomies during or within two weeks of the C-section.

Post-operative mothers also face a longer and more difficult postpartum recovery, as well as an increased rate of admissions to the ICU immediately post-op and re-hospitalization after discharge. For the rest of their life, they will be at risk for delayed and downstream complications of their Cesarean surgery, (ex. bowel obstructions and secondary infertility), as well as complications in future pregnancies (ex. unexpected fetal demise from placental abnormalities, emergency hysterectomy at during a subsequent C-section).

Adding great insult to injury is the VBAC denial-of-services issue when it comes time to have their next baby.


Definitions and Explanations

The fundamental purpose of maternity care is to protect, promote and preserve the health of already healthy women during normal pregnancy, childbirth and new mother-baby phase of breastfeeding, newborn care and developing parent craft skills.

The fundamental purpose of obstetrics is to medically and surgically treat abnormal conditions and complications of female reproduction, including those associated with childbearing, and reduce or eliminate the suffering of those so afflicted. 

Maternity care is ideally a discipline that is concerned with promoting and maintaining states of wellbeing across the whole spectrum of normal pregnancy, childbirth, and care of new mothers and babies. This is accomplished by providing health education as well as routine prenatal care during pregnancy, and hands-on supportive services during labor, birth, and postpartum period. In the weeks following the birth, this also includes facilitating the family’s ability to support the new mother and help her care for their new baby .

Obstetrics is a surgical specialty focused on the compassionate treatment of medical complications and high-risk conditions of the female reproductive system. When such problems have been successfully addressed, the obstetrician-gynecologist has fulfilled his or her primary function.

When the same obstetrical model that is so easily able to provide potentially-life saving care to women with serious complications is an inappropriate form of maternity care when applied to healthy women with normal pregnancies. The educational process that prepares its students to practice the surgical specialty of obstetrics and gynecology does not prepare them to provide health education during routine prenatal and postpartum care for healthy pregnant women, nor does it teach doctors the skills required to provide physical and psychological support to laboring women and new mothers during their complex journey into motherhood in the weeks following normal childbirth.

Even when individual obstetricians are personally interested in providing supportive care for healthy maternity patients, the legal standard of practice for the surgical specialty of obstetrics defines physiologic care as provided by an obstetrician-gynecologist to be a substandard (therefore negligent) form of case that is outside the obstetrical surgeon’s scope of practice.

In addition, the billing codes for obstetrical services, which are specifically medical and surgical, do not economically compensate an obstetrician for physiologically-based childbirth care, since this type of services is neither medical or surgical and therefore not a “customary” aspect of obstetrical practice.


Maternity Care is a rational responsibility of society

A rational, science-based system maternity care system provides personalized, cost-effective care for the healthy majority of a country’s childbearing population (approximately 70%), as well as meeting the medical needs for a minority of mothers or babies who develop complications (approx. 30%).
In a perfected system, the science-based principles of physiological management are integrated with best advances in obstetrical medicine to create a single, evidence-based standard for all healthy women with normal pregnancies, with obstetrical interventions reserved for those who develop complications, or if medical treatments or procedures are requested by the mother. This promotes the right use of obstetrics, which is the compassionate treatment of abnormal and high-risk conditions and complications of pregnancy and childbirth and whenever the childbearing woman asks for medicalized care.
The ideal maternity care system seeks out the point of balance where the skillful use of physiological management and adroit use of necessary medical interventions provides the best outcome with the fewest number of medical/surgical procedures and least expense to the health care system. No healthy woman should ever have to choose between a midwife and a physician or between home and hospital in order to have a normal, physiologically-managed childbirth.
The individual management of pregnancy or childbirth should be determined by the health status of the childbearing woman and her unborn baby, in conjunction with the mother’s stated preferences, and not by the occupational status of the care provider (physician, obstetrician, or midwife). At present, who the woman seeks care from (obstetrician vs. family practice physician or midwife) determines how she is cared for, which is illogical.
Ultimately, all maternity care is judged by its results — the number of mothers and babies who graduate from its ministration as healthy, or healthier, than when they started. This is the goal and general standard for maternity services in the majority of developed and developing countries both.

The good news is that maternity care in the US has many of the elements required for a rational and cost-effective system when midwives and family practice physicians use physiologically-based care, as well as the right use of obstetrical and perinatal resources when indicated.

Over the course of the last century we have been blessed by the greatly expanded abilities of medical science. These scientific advances, combined with new obstetrical techniques and new technologies, created a cornucopia of new and effective medical and surgical interventions. This allows obstetricians to successfully treat a long list of infrequent but nonetheless serious complications of childbearing, to save lives and reduce suffering.

We are always grateful for the extraordinary expertise of obstetricians in these difficult situations.

Not-such-good news

Dozens of other, often less wealthy, countries have better maternal-infant outcomes than the US and achieve these vastly improved outcomes at a fraction of the cost of our current maternity care system.

The US ranks fiftieth for perinatal mortality. This means that 49 other countries (including Canada and Cuba) have dramatically better outcomes for unborn and newborn babies. The maternal mortality rate in the US is even more disturbing. We rank thirty-ninth (one excellent source says 60th) for the rate in which American women die of pregnancy and childbirth-related causes. In the US that number stopped improving in 1982 and began climbing in 1996.  

How could the United States possibly rank in 50th and 39th place, given the scientific discoveries and masterful expertise of modern obstetrical medicine in treating the complications of childbearing? How could we not have the very best maternity care system in the world?

Truthfully, the US doesn’t actually have a rational maternity or ‘mother-centered’ system for childbirth services for healthy women, and hasn’t had since early in the 20th century (circa 1910). What we have instead is an obstetrical system. Obstetrics is designed to provide medical and surgical treatments for serious problems. As a surgical speciality, it is primarily organized around the complex needs of it own profession rather than the practical needs of healthy pregnant women and new mother and babies.

When surgical specialists are the primary providers for a healthy population, it creates a drastic mis-match for both doctors and mothers. The primary needs of healthy childbearing women are more social and emotional than medical, while the forte of obstetrical providers, by temperament and training, is in performing surgery, and not the time-consuming skills of physiologically managing a long normal labor and  facilitating a spontaneous birth.

What this healthy population of childbearing women most need are professional birth attendants who have training and skill in the physiologic childbirth practices, and function in a role similar to a life-guard, that is, an educated observer with emergency response capacity. This cost-effective type of mother-centered maternity care was historically provided by non-obstetrician physicians (family doctors) and midwives. 

Dark Side of the Moon

In the field of American obstetrics, the wonderful and life-saving scientific innovations of the early 20th century also had a darker side that changed the direction of our ‘maternity’ care system compared to the rest of the world. Without knowing the historical background of obstetrics in the United States, it would be very hard to understand today’s high Cesarean section rate, the VBAC controversy and other problematic aspects of obstetrical care as currently provided to health childbearing women.

Prior to 1900, obstetrics in the US was not the high-powered, stand-alone profession it is today, but simply a non-surgical discipline that was part of the general practice of medicine. Routine obstetrical care was provided by GPs, while female reproductive surgery was always performed by the surgical speciality of gynecology. Whenever a GP’s maternity patient required a Cesarean or other surgical intervention, the GP had to transfer her to a gynecologist.

Ordinary doctors who provided routine maternity care and the gyn surgeons who handled complications often disagreed about the care of these patients. Over time a professional rivalry developed between the two groups and they came to dislike and be increasing distrustful of each other. By the last decade of the 19th century (1890-1900), the long-smoldering turf war between the ordinary medical discipline of obstetrics and the surgical speciality of gynecology spilled over into public insults that were degrading to both disciplines. 

During this period of intense rivalry, the now famous Dr J. Whitridge Williams was a young gynecological surgeon charged with developing the gyn surgery department in the newly opened (1894) Johns Hopkins Hospital. Later Dr. Williams would also be appointed chief of  its obstetrical department, but is best known today for his obstetrical textbook “Williams’ Obstetrics”.

As someone with a foot in both camps, he was disturbed by this escalating rivalry and general lack of professional cooperation. He believed neither discipline would ever achieve preeminence in their respective fields as long as they were fighting one another. His description of the problem between physicians who provided obstetrical care   and the gynecological surgeons in the early 1900s are virtually identical to the obstetrical profession’s criticism of midwives twenty years later and one that still applies today:

“At present, (the profession of) gynecology considers that (the profession of) obstetrics should include only the conduct of normal labor, or at most … cases that can be terminated without radical operative interference, while all other conditions should be brought to him [the gynecologist] — in other words, that the obstetrician should be a man-midwife.

The advanced obstetrician, on the other hand, holds that everything connected with the reproductive process of women is part of his field, and if this contention were sustained, very little would be left for the gynecologist.”

Dr. Williams recommended that the obstetrical and gynecological departments of Johns Hopkins Hospital be consolidated and housed together in women’s clinic. He and other influential physicians in the two fields concluded that the only way to stop the inter-disciplinary fighting was to combine the medical and surgical disciplines into a new hybrid surgical specialty that came to be known as ‘obstetrics and gynecology‘.

In regard to the care provide by contemporary  ob-gyn ‘specialists’, one very modern obstetrician was unashamed to have his shocking explanation in a professional journal:

It is no longer feasible for individual physicians who have invested 12 years in training at a cost of hundreds of thousands of dollars to dedicate extended periods to observing one normal woman in labor.” [Macer JA et al; Am J Obstet Gynecol 1992:166:1690-7].

Missed opportunity to develop a full-service maternity care system in the US

At the end of the 19th and first decade of the 20th century there were two distinct groups of birth attendants that provided very different kinds of care to different types of women under different circumstances. Family doctors and midwives provided physiologically-based childbirth services to essentially healthy women in the family’s own home and small ‘lying-in’ hospitals (out-patients clinics or what we now call ‘birth centers’).

In contrast to that low-medical intervention approach, obstetrically-trained surgeons primarily provided highly medicalized care to women with complications, and wealthier families who could afford a specialist. This hospital-based care normally included the use of obstetrical interventions and surgical procedures, which had quickly become the standard for hospitalized maternity patients.

In theory (but not fact), respect between these two professional groups could have easily developed, leading to a mutually cooperative relationship in which the two sides exchanged useful information, tips and new techniques with their counterpart. Family doctors and midwives would have continued to provide care to the low- and moderate risk childbirth population, while obstetricians provided medicalized hospital care to the high-risk end of the spectrum, pleased to be called on by other doctors and midwives whenever their patients needed obstetrical services.

Unfortunately, that’s not what happened.

Instead the new hybrid of obstetrics and gynecology choose pursue a policy calling for the total elimination of the physiologic care — i.e. the type of supportive, non-interventive childbirth practices for health women with normal pregnancies that were historically (and in contemporary times) associated with a high level of normal spontaneous births and a low rate of medical and surgical interventions.

The new ob-gyn specialty rewrites the rules for 20th Century maternity care

By the second decade of the 20th century, non-medical obstetrics and the surgical discipline of gynecology had become a dynamic new speciality enjoying a remarkable level of control over professional childbirth services in the US. Convinced that medical and surgical interventions were absolutely necessary to the safe conduct of childbirth, obstetrician-gynecologists wanted to modernized their field as quickly as possible, and believed this required the elimination of all non-interventive forms of care.

As a result, the perspective and practices of the newly configured ob-gyn profession were starkly different from the low-intervention obstetrics/maternity care previously provided by family doctors. By 1910, the hybrid discipline of obstetric and gynecology had formally defined normal childbirth in healthy women as a pathological process (i.e. routinely injurious to mothers and/or babies). Obstetric and gynecology saw its professional role as out-smarting the malicious influence of Mother Nature via the aggressive use of obstetrical interventions.

Characterized as a dangerously flawed and harmful process, the normal biology of childbirth was seen as a potentially-fatal mistake of Mother Nature. Just as salmon naturally die after swimming upstream to spawn, the biology of childbirth in humans was seen as frequently sacrificing new mothers in the act of propagation

Pregnancy was described by the obstetrical profession to be a “9-month disease requiring a surgical cure”, one that could only be provided by physicians with training in obstetrical surgery. With such a low opinion, normal childbirth was believed to have little or no value to women or society. As a result the new profession saw no reason to protect, support or promote spontaneous labor and normal childbirth, or even teach its principles to subsequent generations of medical students.

For the last century, this systematic distain by the obstetrical profession for physiologic childbirth birth set a negative tone for obstetrical education in the US. American obstetrical books have not included the principles of physiological management for nearly a 100 years. Textbook authors frankly denigrated physiologically-based care, while enthusiastically promoting the ever more aggressive use of obstetrical interventions on an ever increasing number of childbearing women. 

For the four millions childbearing women who were to became patients of this surgical specialty every year for the next century, the medicalized obstetrical care they received would be dramatically different than the routine care provided to previous generations of childbearing women by GPs or midwives. 

However it would be 30 more years before obstetrics and gynecology achieved its goal of exclusive control over all childbirth services. During that time a significant number of pregnant women were still employing their trusty family doctor. Even more disturbing to obstetricians, they were having midwives, who were not authorized to provide obstetrical interventions, attend their normal births.

A PR plan to the rescue!

The obvious solutions to the new profession’s problem was a public relations campaign to inform the American people about the dramatically expanded abilities of the new hybrid surgical-obstetrical specialty, as well as telling them all about horrific risks of employing a non-medical care provider.

By 1910, PR materials began to trickle into in newspapers and popular women’s magazines promoting obstetricialized childbirth. These articles assured the public that the profession of obstetrics and gynecology had developed a medical or surgical solution to nearly all possible childbirth problem. Leaders of obstetrical organizations made themselves available to be interviewed by journalists, who faithfully reported the obstetrical promise to the public — that if they would entrust the care of all childbearing women to the obstetrical profession, everything would turn out well for everyone.

The profession’s PR campaign went on to caution the public about the pathological nature of female reproduction. They were told not to be seduced into thinking that childbirth was just a ‘normal’ biological event, and warned of dire consequences should any laboring woman not be in the hospital under the care of a surgically-trained obstetrical specialist. They also informed the public about the dangers of midwifery care, insisting that midwives should never be employed under any circumstances, while family doctors were not a suitable choice for women expecting a first baby. 

A one-size solution that really didn’t fit anyone

What later turned into a multi-generational offensive against physiological management (one that is still alive and well) began in 1910 with language that obscured the actual issue. Whatever their reasons, ob-gyn doctors didn’t talk directly about eliminating normal (i.e. physiologic) childbirth, but instead insisted that appropriate care for normal childbearing was simply a matter of standards, namely that there should be only one standard of care.

The maternity care system 1910 still included family doctors and midwives in addition to obstetrically-trained surgeons. In the minds of the obstetrical profession constituted two different standards for childbirth services, an idea that they found offensive and sought to correct. Its not a surprise that the obstetrical profession insisted that their medicalized care was obviously the superior and safer choice, while birth attendants who used physiological management during normal childbirth were clearly providing an inferior, thus “lower” or non-medical standard.

According to this theory, the lower or non-medical standard deprived poor and working class women of the wonders of the new medicalized services, which included Twilight Sleep drugs, and narcotic during labor, the “blessed relief” of being unconscious from anesthesia during childbirth, and the ‘protective effects’ of episiotomy, forceps deliveries, and manual removal of the placenta. This was characterized as both unfair and psychologically harmful.

What the profession of obstetrics and gynecology had in mind was an all-encompassing medicalized standard created by the obstetrical profession and applied universally to all childbirth women, regardless of how healthy the mother-to-be or how normal the pregnancy, thus making obstetrics THE standard of care in the US.

Having identified obstetrician-gynecologists as only the real “experts” in women’s reproductive health, they concluded that obstetrics was the ‘right’ standard and anything else (i.e. physiologic childbirth practices)  were wrong and should be eliminated as quickly as possible. By the early 1920s, highly risky and invasive interventions had became the standard form of obstetrical care.

Henceforth, failing to medicalize normal childbirth would be considered to be a form of substandard care. Any physician birth attendant who provided this substandard care would be considered negligent or incompetent; midwives who insisted on using physiologically-based care would be judged guilty of criminal acts.

By the late 1940s, the pre-emptive use of interventions on virtually all childbearing women — no matter how healthy or how normal their pregnancy — had become the national standard for maternity care in the US . 

Continue to Part 2 ~ Obstetrical management of normal childbirth ~ 1910-1980

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