I am relieved and please that Assemblywoman Bonilla’ office kept their promise to do something really important to help midwives, mothers and eventually California taxpayers. Recognizing LMs as qualified to function as birth attendants in birth centers and for the facility to qualify for reimbursement through MediCal is monumental progress. This really is a BFD.

The California College of Midwives will be sending her flowers to honor Assemblywoman Bonilla (and Sonja’s) contribution to affordable maternity care in California and applaud the important birth-center authorization added to the bill.

Obviously AB 1308 isn’t perfect legislation and won’t solve all our problems.  When dealing with any piece of legislation (state or federal) and whether it’s about mfry, healthcare reform or any other topic, we always worry about unforeseen or “unintended” consequences — language that seemed benign, but actually introduced a new type or level of problem.

Certainly the language requiring the MBC to hold regulatory hearings “revising” our Standard of Care and making yet another (useless) attempt to definite supervision in regulations is somewhat worrisome. But we will have other opportunities  to influence AB 1308 before its passage. Should we be unable to modify it, there are strong safeguards in the regulatory process itself  itself.  This will protect LMs from having our Standard of Care deconstructed or otherwise modified in ways that would harm midwives or the families we serve.

All regulation have to adhere to 6 legal criteria that includes among others “authority” (i.e. regulations are restricted by specific language of the authorizing statue), “necessity” and “non-duplication”. The authority granted by in AB 1308 does not, for instance, allow ACOG or CMA to eliminate the California Licensed Midwives’ Standard of Care, or to push for changes where there is no clearly identified ‘necessity’.

The non-duplication criteria would prevent new regs that repeated requirement already in section 2508 that require midwives, in conjunction with each client, to identify and document a specific plan for medical interface/care during pregnancy, intrapartum, postpartum and the neonatal period.

My personal take on the phase in AB 1308  requiring a new regulation that would identify “criteria necessitating referral to a physician” is that any such additional regulation would be a duplication. Our current standard of care already lists criteria for each aspect of pregnancy, intrapartum, postpartum and the neonatal period that requires the LM to recommend medical evaluation or transfer of care for medical treatment.

It certainly would be splendid if somewhere in the legislative records and/or bill sets for versions of AB 1308, it noted that the specific reason for the regulatory process was relative to the drugs, devices, supplies and medical services. This would be very helpful if CMA or ACOG claimed that the intent of AB 1308 was to require that we rewrite our Standard of Care. But I am not personally worried about the regulatory issue.

However, I am extremely pleased that LMs were added to the birth center law.  This is important for individual midwives both in running and getting compensated for birth center services.

But the biggest and most important impact of this amendment to the LMPA is normalizing the midwifery model of care for normal childbirth — physiologic care — as the science-based standard for all professional birth attendants and in all settings (medical as well as non-medical i.e. OOH).  By mainstreaming birth centers, it helps us as birth activists to identify the real issue, which is neither midwives or PHB per se, but the ability of childbearing women to reliably access birth attendants and a childbirth setting that is able and eager to provide physiologic childbirth services. No healthy childbearing woman should ever have to choose between a midwife or a doctor, or between home and hospital in order to receive physiologically-based care for a normal labor and birth.

I see birth centers as playing a central role in the transformation of 21st century maternity care for healthy populations. They are part of the process that will move us from the standard hospital-based, highly-medicalized  version of obstetrics, to a  model that integrates the scientific principles of physiological management with the best advances in modern obstetrical medicine to create a single universal standard for healthy women with normal pregnancies. Obviously there is a lot more to say about the issue of midwives and independent birth centers as an opportunity for social change, but I will save those comments for another day.

Stay tuned!

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Originally published in the California Watch 

Founded by the Center for Investigative Reporting

HEALTH & WELFARE | OUR MATERNAL HEALTH

February 2, 2010 | Nathanael Johnson

The mortality rate of California women who die from causes directly related to pregnancy has
nearly tripled in the past decade, prompting doctors to worry about the dangers of obesity in
expectant mothers and about medical complications of cesarean sections.

For the past seven months, the state Department of Public Health declined to release a report
outlining the trend.

California Watch spoke with investigators who wrote the report and they confirmed the most
significant spike in pregnancy-related deaths since the 1930s. (Note editor – a statistical
statement later proven to be incorrect and retracted by the author was deleted from this post]

“The issue is how rapidly this rate has worsened,” said Debra Bingham, executive director of
the California Maternal Quality Care Collaborative, the public-private task force investigating
the problem for the state. “That’s what’s shocking.”

The problem may be occurring nationwide. The Joint Commission, the leading health care
accreditation and standards group in the United States, issued a “Sentinel Event Alert” to
hospitals on Jan. 26, stating:

“Unfortunately, current trends and evidence suggest that maternal mortality rates may be
increasing in the U.S.”

The alert asked doctors to consider morbid obesity, high blood pressure and diabetes, along
with hemorrhaging from C-sections, as contributing factors.

In 2007, U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention reported that the national maternal
mortality rate had risen, but experts such as Dr. Jeffrey C. King, who leads a special inquiry
into maternal mortality for the American College of Obstetricians and Gynecologists, chalked
up the change to better counting of deaths. His opinion hasn’t changed.

“I would be surprised if there was a significant increase of maternal deaths,” said King, who
has not seen the California report.

But Shabbir Ahmad, a scientist in California’s Department of Public Health, decided to look
closer. He organized academics, state researchers and hospitals to conduct a systematic review
of every maternal death in California. It’s the largest state review ever conducted. The group’s
initial findings provide the first strong evidence that there is a true increase in deaths – not just
the number of reported deaths.

Changes in the population – obese mothers, older mothers and fertility treatments – cannot
completely account for the rise in deaths in California, said Dr. Elliott Main, the principal
investigator for the task force.

“What I call the usual suspects are certainly there,” he said. “However, when we looked at
those factors and the data analyzed so far, those only account for a modest amount of the
increase.”

Main said scientists have started to ask what doctors are doing differently. And, he added,
it’s hard to ignore the fact that C-sections have increased 50 percent in the same decade that
maternal mortality increased. The task force has found that changing clinical practice could
prevent a significant number of these deaths.

One maternity expert who was not involved in the report,  Dr. Thomas R. Moore, chair of the
Department of Reproductive Medicine at UC San Diego, said about the data: “This could be a
sentinel finding, and I could see other states taking a closer look and finding the same thing.”

Low numbers, high consequences

Despite the increase in the mortality rate, pregnancy is still safe for the vast majority of women.

In 2006, 95 California women died from causes directly related to their pregnancies – out of
more than 500,000 live births. That’s a small number by public health standards. If California
had met the goal set by the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services to bring the state’s
maternal mortality rate down to a level achieved by other countries, the number of dead would
be closer to 28.

It’s not clear who is most at risk, but researchers have long known that African-American mothers
are between three and four times more likely to die from pregnancy-related causes than the rest of
the population. That racial association is not stratified by socio-economic status: Even high-income
black women are at a greater risk.

While the maternal mortality rate among black women is rising, the task force found a more dramatic
increase in deaths among white, non-Hispanic mothers. There is not yet enough data to show if the
risk of death is associated with poverty.

maternal deaths California WatchTatia Oden French 

What’s certain is that each maternal death shatters families. That cold sum – 95 dead – represents 95 stories of people such as Tatia Oden French. In 2001, she was newly wed and had just finished her doctorate in psychology. She was about to have a baby girl she would name Zorah Allie Mae French.

“She’s the type of person that just walked into the room and lit it up,” said her mother, Maddy Oden.

During the labor, Maddy Oden was at home in Oakland, waiting for a call announcing the birth of her granddaughter. Instead, she needed an emergency C-section. “I woke up at 4 in the morning, and I knew that something was wrong,” Oden said.

Then the phone rang. French was in trouble. Powerful contractions had forced amniotic fluid into her bloodstream, stopping her heart and killing the baby. When Oden got to her daughter at an Oakland hospital there was only one thing she could do: “We said a prayer,” Oden said, “and I closed her eyes.”

Oden lost the subsequent lawsuit: The doctor had not deviated from the standard of care.

Rather than track down the cause of every death and assign blame, the California task force is focused on finding solutions. And Bingham and Main have found that doctors and nurses are eager to help after seeing the numbers.

In 1996, the maternal death rate in California was 5.6 per 100,000 live births, not far from the national goal of 4.3 per 100,000. Between 1998 and 1999, the World Health Organization changed its coding system, which may have increased reporting of deaths. The California rate was 6.7 in 1998 and 7.7 in 1999. Because the number of mothers who die is small, the rate tends to fluctuate from year to year.

In 2003, when California revised its death certificate, the rate jumped to 14.6. And in 2006, the last year for which data is available, the rate stood at 16.9.

The best estimates show that less than 30 percent of the increase is attributable to better reporting on death certificates. Even accounting for these reporting and classification changes, the maternal death rate between 1996 and 2006 has more than doubled, Main said.

Not yet public

When researchers unveiled their initial findings to a conference of the American College of Obstetricians and Gynecologists in 2007, there were gasps from the audience, according to participants at the San Diego event. The idea that California was moving backward even in an era of high-tech birthing was implausible to some. Confirmation of the trend was noted in the 2008 report written by 27 doctors and researchers. The report was described in detail to California Watch.

The state of California has yet to share the report with the public. Researchers say that, after reviewing the report in 2008, officials in the Department of Public Health asked for technical clarifications. Revisions were complete and approved in the first half of 2009, according to Ahmad.

Al Lundeen, the department’s director of public affairs said, “There was no effort to hold that report back. It just needed some more revisions.”

Researchers say that it is important for the public to be aware now that these trends are worsening. Diane Ashton, the deputy medical director for the March of Dimes, has seen the numbers. She says they demand a concerted response.

“Even though they tend to be small numbers in terms of maternal mortality, it is important – it’s very important – that these trends be looked at,” she said. “And efforts need to be made to try and reverse them when they are going in the wrong direction.”

Rising C-section birth rate

Nearly one in three babies is now born by C-section. Many scientists have acknowledged that at some point, as the number of surgeries spiral upward, the risks will outweigh the benefits. But the C-section remains a useful tool, and in the middle of labor, doctors say, it’s hard to balance the potential long-term harm against immediate crisis.

Today, doctors face a condition called placenta accreta, where the placenta grows into the scar left by a previous C-section. In surgery, doctors must find and suture a web of twisted placental vessels snaking into the patient’s abdomen, which can hemorrhage alarming amounts of blood. Often, doctors must remove the uterus.

Main said this complication from C-sections has increased eight-to-10 fold in the past decade. Nonetheless, most women survive the ordeal. The point, says Catherine Camacho, deputy director of the state’s Center for Family Health, is that the rise in deaths is indicative of a larger problem.

“For every maternal death, there are 10 near misses; for every near miss, there are 10 severe morbidity cases (such as hysterectomy, hemorrhage, or infection), and for every severe morbidity case, there is another 10 morbidity cases related to childbirth,” Camacho wrote in an e-mail.

Other factors are contributing to the rise in deaths, but the researchers in California are most interested in the areas where they have control, such as the high C-section birth rate: It’s easier for doctors to improve medical care than to fix more intractable problems like poverty and obesity.

Inducing labor before term more common

In 2002, Dr. David Lagrew, the medical director of the Women’s Hospital at Saddleback Memorial Medical Center in Orange County, noticed that a lot of women were having their labor induced before term without a medical reason. And he knew that having an induction doubled the chances of a C-section.

So he set a rule: no elective inductions before 41 weeks of pregnancy, with only a few exceptions. As a result, Lagrew said, the operating room schedules opened up, and the hospital saw fewer babies admitted to the neonatal intensive care unit, fewer hemorrhages and fewer hysterectomies.

All this, however, came at a cost: The hospital had to take a cut in revenue for reducing the procedures it performed. Lagrew doubts that any hospital has increased its C-section rate in pursuit of profit, but he does note that the first hospitals to adopt controls on early elective inductions have been nonprofits.

According to a report issued by the advocacy group Childbirth Connection, “Six of the 10 most common procedures billed to Medicaid and to private insurers in 2005 were maternity related.” On average, a C-section brings in twice the revenue of a vaginal birth. Today, the C-section is the single most common surgical procedure performed in the United States.

“If all these guys were losing money on every C-section, well, what’s the old saying? Whenever they tell you it’s not about the money, it’s about the money,” Lagrew said.

The California task force isn’t waiting to determine the ultimate cause of these deaths. It has started pilot projects to improve the way hospitals respond to hemorrhages, to better track women’s medical conditions and to reduce inductions – as Lagrew did at Memorial Care.

Although the state hasn’t released the task force’s report, the researchers and doctors involved forwarded data to the national Joint Commission, which issued incentives for hospitals to reduce inductions and fight what it called “the cesarean section epidemic.”

“You don’t have to be a public health whiz to know that we are facing a big problem here,” Bingham said.

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Access to Affordable Maternity Care in California by
Professionally-licensed Midwives

The re-classification of the midwifery profession as a medicalized discipline in 1974 was economically advantages to medical profession, but detrimental to midwives, childbearing families and California taxpayers.

A problematic aspect of midwifery as a medicalized discipline is the economic effect on these non-physician practitioners and on public policy and taxpayer supported healthcare programs such as Medicaid/MediCal. MD-centric midwifery licensing laws created to a professional role between midwives and physicians formally described by the AMA as ‘physician-extenders’.

Under a labyrinth of counter-intuitive law, doctors are allowed to bill government programs and insurance companies at MD rates for services provided by any ‘physician extender’ practicing under his or her supervision.  This dubious billing practice allows physicians to charge for a doctor’s office visit, even when the patients is cared for by a nurse practitioner and is never seen by the doctor.

According to a Health Task Force report from the Medical Board of California (Draft version – Oct 05, 1993), this dubious but legal practice is entrenched and widespread. While the follow material doesn’t mention professionally-licensed midwives, both CNMs and LMs are included in category of “allied health care professionals”:

  • “…. Between 1980 and 1991, the population increased 26% while physicians increased 29%, chiropractors and Physician Assistants increased 171%. …
  • Although California experienced a dramatic increase in health care professionals, this has not solved or even alleviated the problem of the underserved areas.
  • ….the hiring of additional allied health care professionals has not really done anything to benefit patients.
  • …the manner in which they are being hired and used now, they are really only serving to increase the income of physicians.
  • Although physicians are hiring more Physician Assistants and Nurse Practitioners, and often patients never see the physician, the patients are charged the same amount for an office visit.
  • This is income for the physician but there is no cost saving to the patient.”

This is a direct violation of the North American Free Trade Agreement and specific instructions from the California Department of Consumer Affairs. A memorandum to all its bureau chiefs refers to a request by the Governor’s Trade Representative and asks that each state agency prepare a plan to implement the NAFTA. The memorandum, dated 09/04/92, notes that the “anti-competitive” impact of NAFTA specifically disallows:

  • “any licensing or certification statues, regulations or procedures which are not based on objective and transparent criteria, competence, and the ability to provide the services or which are more burdensome than necessary to assure quality of the services”.

NAFTA’s objective is to prevent licensing requirements from being “unnecessary barriers to trade” and that any state licensing requirement:

  • “… not constitute a disguised restriction of the provision of services ….. Requirements should be based on competence”.

These views were reiterated in a letter from the Federation of State Medical Boards by Dorothy Harwood, (01-11-94) who noted that:

  • State medical board licensing standards are not pre-empted”.

Thus far, the medical profession has not been required to abide by the “objective and transparent” licensing criteria required by NAFTA.  As recently as October 2012, a popular website for physicians — Medscape  ~ posted an article called: “Ways to pump up your bottom-line”. Ideas included information about the supervision of physician-extender practitioners, third-party reimbursement policies and various other tips for increasing one’s medical business.

A proven strategy for ‘pumping up’ the profitability of a physician’s medical office was to take advantage of a legal situation engineered decades ago by organized medicine. The ‘physician-extenders’ classification impacts many states, including California, and means that it is illegal to practice independently (i.e. not under medical supervision).

Since these nurse-midwives are prevented from practicing independently, a hospital-based birth practice would seem to be the next best choice. However that also can’t be done without a physician ‘sponsor’. This is a particular category of medical supervision relative to hospital privileges, which are not independently available to midwives. In the last decade almost all of the largest, busiest, most long-running and most highly respected nurse-midwifery services in the US (including Stanford) were shut down by their hospital’s obstetrical department.

In some cases, local obstetricians were vocal about ‘not liking the competition’. In others, hospital administrators claimed midwifery services didn’t generate enough ‘billable units’ and thus were not profitable. Bases on the severely restrictive nature of these laws, the only viable choice left for a CNM is to become a physician-extender.  One not-so-surprising consequence is a precipitous drop in the annual number of nurse-midwifery students, which went from an average of 500 to merely 200 last year.

However, MD-friendly economic policies are still very much to the advantage of the medial profession, which is lawfully permitted and encouraged to exploit their ‘mid-levels’ as a profit center for their medical offices.

The Medscape article notes that: “mid-levels are paid less than physicians”. Then the article goes on to say that services provided by mid-levels who are “under direct supervision by a physician, mid-levels command the reimbursement as physicians”.

As the MBC’s October 1993 Health Taskforce Report makes clear, the ‘commanded’ Medicare reimbursement is not income for the nurse practitioners or professional midwives who work in the doctor’s office, but instead is additional revenue for the physician.

Here is an excerpt from Medscape’s primer on how doctors can pump up their bottom line by exploiting MD-friendly economic policies. These laws specifically allow physicians to benefit financially by exploiting the category of  “physician-extenders” — nurse practitioners, professional midwives and physician assistants:

“With more covered patients seeking doctors and the threat of declining reimbursements in the long term [under the new Affordable Care Act of 2009], doctors are under pressure to see more patients.

Hiring mid-level providers, mainly nurse practitioners and physician assistants, is a good way …

And because mid-levels are paid less than physicians, they can spend more time with patients. They can deal with less complex cases and give patients unhurried, personal attention…

When they are under direct supervision by a physician, mid-levels command the same Medicare reimbursement as physicians.

Bringing a new midlevel into the practice should be coordinated with a marketing campaign that bumps up the number of patients in the practice…” [ref: Medscape Oct 25, 2012 – advice MDs on “How to Pump up your bottom line” by hiring more ‘mid-levels’ to increase revenue.]

The idea of physicians profiting from the services another healthcare profession is a double standard as judged by the medical profession’s own tradition. The AMA considers it “unethical” for any non-physician to make a profit on the services of a physician.

In 1934, during one of the worst years of the Great Depression, the AMA’s Judicial Council amended their Principles of Ethics by making it:

 ‘unethical for any physician to dispose of his services to any lay body, organization, group or individual under conditions that would permit the lay body, organization, group or individual to receive a profit on the doctor’s services [from the AMA’s Web site Timeline data for 1934]

Obviously, the AMA’s ethics of non-exploitation only apply to physicians and not to those healthcare professional that they label “physician-extenders”.

They totally ignore this definition of  ‘ethical’ practice when it comes to non-physician practitioners, as documented by the Resolution recently passed by the House of Delegates, which is the AMA’s ruling body:

H-35.993 Opposition to Direct Medicare Payments for Physician Extenders

Our AMA reaffirms its opposition to any legislation or program which would provide for Medicare payments directly to physician extenders, or payment for physician extender services not provided under the supervision and direction of a physician. (CMS Rep. N, I-77; Reaffirmed: CLRPD Rep. C, A-89; Reaffirmed: Sunset Report, A-00)

H-35.988 Independent Practice of Medicine by “Nurse Practitioners”

The AMA, in the public interest, opposes enactment of legislation to authorize the independent practice of medicine by any individual who has not completed the state’s requirements for licensure to engage in the practice of medicine and surgery in all of its branches. (Sub. Res. 53, I-82; Reaffirmed: A-84; Reaffirmed: CLRPD Rep. A, I-92; Reaffirmed: BOT Rep. 28, A-03)

California College of Midwives
Contact: faithgibson@mac.com

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California College of Midwives
Access to Affordable Maternity Care in California by Professionally-licensed Midwives

  • What happens when the legacy practice of midwifery as a personalized form of care is reclassified as a medicalized, physician-dependent discipline?
  • What happens when the traditionally non-medical skills of midwives are legally defined as ‘medical activities’ to be delegated and supervised by MDs?

Historical Background: Midwifery was an independent profession in California from its statehood in 1876 to 1981. Its practice was lawful but unregulated for the first 41 years. Then in 1917, the state-certified practice of midwifery as an independent profession was created by the California Legislature.

To qualify, students were required to complete a midwifery educational program approved the State Medical Board and pass a state-licensing exam. The 1917 law prohibited state-licensed midwives from practicing medicine or surgery, which meant they could not administer drugs, use forceps or other “artificial, forcible or mechanical means” during childbirth. The licensing law also required midwives to transfer any mother or baby who developed complications to the care of a physician.

However, laws governing the legacy practice of midwifery as a non-medical discipline never required medical supervision. This was noted in a Legislative Memo from Governor Earl Warren’s office dated July 8, 1949, which confirmed the independent nature of state-licensed direct-entry midwives:

“Some comment should be made … with regard to midwives and nurses, for the duties and powers of the two classes are quite different. Section 2725 of the B&P Code outlines the duties which may be performed by nurses. All these duties are to be performed under the supervision of a physician.

Such is not the case with regard to midwives, for according to Section 2140 of the same Code this type of practitioner operates independently and not under the supervision of a physician.”

Unfortunately the original 1917 provision did not permit the licensing of additional direct-entry midwives after 1949. The last legacy practitioner of midwifery retired her license in 1981. By this time, many states had replaced the traditional practice of midwifery with the new category of nurse-midwifery. These were registered nurses who successfully completed an additional year of hospital-based training in midwifery became certified nurse midwives (CNMs). California passed it’s own the Nurse-Midwifery Practice Act in 1974.

The Legislature’s Intent for the new profession was stated in the preamble to the nurse-midwife practice act. Accordingly, the legislative purpose was to make the midwifery model of care accessible in hospitals and out-of-hospital (OOH) settings by authorizing CNM to provide maternity services in underserved areas of the State and to low-income Medicaid-eligible women and families seeking alternatives to customary obstetrical services.

But unlike the legacy practice of midwifery, which was an independent profession in California for 105 years, the new law classified nurse-midwifery as a physician-dependent, medically-supervised discipline. The law stipulated supervision of CNMs by the medical profession as a prerequisite of lawful practice.

For the first time in California history, the ability to legally practice midwifery depended entirely on sympathetic physicians volunteering to provide supervision and agreeing to be vicariously liable for the nurse-midwife’s practice. This put the midwifery profession in the same physician-dependent category as the nursing profession.  Governor Earl Warren’s 1949 memo commented on the status of nurses, saying:

All these duties are to be performed under the supervision of a physician.”

This functionally defined the all the professional activities of midwifery practice — from taking a pregnant woman’s blood pressure to attending normal childbirth — as delegated medical activity, which in turn grants control over the midwifery profession to the medical profession.  This produces a professional role for the midwife that the AMA and physicians describe as a ‘physician-extender’, which puts midwives in the same category as nurse practitioners, nurse anesthetists, and physical therapists.

Once midwifery is defined as a ‘delegated medical activity’, the authority to actually practice this profession does not derive from the state-issued midwifery license. While licensure is a necessary pre-condition, it is not an authorizing one. The authority to practice midwifery comes from, and ONLY from, the legally-identified physician supervisor of each specific midwife.

As described by organize medicine, each specific supervising MD is charged with the “ultimate authority, responsibility and liability” for the particular midwife under his control. This physician determines which of the midwifery-related ‘medical’ activities listed in the Nurse Midwifery Act of 1974 and the LMPA of 1993 will be delegated to the midwife under their supervision, and under what circumstances. At a practical level, the supervising physician is the origin of the midwife’ authority to provide prenatal care, listen to fetal heart tones during labor, or administer an anti-hemorrhagic drug to a postpartum mother who bleeds excessively.

While reclassifying midwifery as a medically-delegated activity controlled by the supervising physician, these very same laws do not require that any physician in California provide this legally mandated supervision. This allows the medical profession to decide if the midwifery model of care is or isn’t available in the state of California, and if so, under what MD-determined conditions. If 100% of the members of the medical profession decline to participate as a supervising physician, then 100% of the professionally-licensed midwives in California would be unauthorized to provide the delegates medical activity of midwifery, and 100% of childbearing women who reside in California would be unable to access midwifery care. Unfortunately the current laws grant members of the medical profession to override the intended implementation of the Legislature’s two midwifery practice.

According to the North American Free Trade Agreement of 1992, this constitutes a “disguised restriction of the provision of services”. NAFTA specifically prohibits:

 “any licensing or certification statues, regulations or procedures which are not based on objective and transparent criteria, competence, and the ability to provide the services or which are more burdensome than necessary to assure quality of the services”.

In order to prevent “unnecessary barriers to trade”, NAFTA decrees that state licensing requirements: “… not constitute a disguised restriction of the provision of services ….. Requirements should be based on competence”.

Nonetheless, the California Medical Association and ACOG continue to define professional midwifery as a delegated medical activity that can only be practiced under the authority of the medical profession. But simultaneous with the provision in both midwifery practice acts mandating physician supervision, obstetrical and pediatric groups issued official policy statements denouncing all childbirth-related care in non-medical settings. These policies prohibit obstetricians from supervising midwives that provide care in OOH locations.

In addition, all three California malpractice insurance carriers also prohibited physicians from supervising midwives who provide OOH care. As a result, obstetricians were either unable or unwilling to provided the legally essential service of medical supervision.

Within 3 years it became clear that classifying nurse-midwifery as a physician-dominated discipline was a dismal failure. The inability of CNMs to carry out the published ‘Intent’ of the Legislature was due to “structural barriers” that classified the midwifery profession as physician-supervised discipline and mandated medical supervision.

The fatally-flawed nature of this provision was well-documented by a 1977 letter from Department of Consumer Affairs, September 09, 1977. During his first administration, Governor Brown was an active supporter of several legislative attempts to correct this problem. However 36 years later, the situation is unchanged and all of these same ‘structural barriers’ continue to apply to CNMs and LMs both:

“ …by limiting the practice of midwifery to only those situations under a doctor’s supervision … the practice of nurse midwifery has been effectively limited to large metropolitan hospitals where obstetrical services are most abundant.

… speaks to the potency of these structural barriers in limiting the practice of nurse-midwifery”. [position paper on the Midwifery Practice Act of 1978; Michael Krisman, DCA]

These ‘structural barriers’ prevented CNMs from practicing independently, which would have allowed them to work with women living in places without access to maternity services and in free-standing birth centers that provided care to families looking for an alternative to conventional obstetrical care.

Instead, this restrictive law forced the majority of CNMs in California to work in clinics and the offices of obstetricians as “physician extenders”. Many other CNMs took jobs as nurses in the labor & delivery department of hospitals. As a result, the new healthcare profession created in 1974 did nothing to alleviate the very problems the nurse-midwifery law was designed to address.

In 1993, the Licensed Midwives Practice Act once more created the state-regulated profession of traditional or direct-entry midwifery.  The legislative intent of the LMPA expressed the same expectations outlined in the nurse-midwifery law — in this case, that the new profession of licensed midwives would make the Midwifery Model of care available in underserved parts of the state, to low-income Medicaid-eligible families and those wanted childbirth alternatives to conventional obstetrical practices.

Unfortunately, the political influence of organized medicine insisted that the legal relationship between direct-entry midwives and physicians mirror those in the nurse-midwifery licensing law. As a result, the LMPA simultaneously repealed the 1917 statue that had defined the legacy practice of midwifery as an independent profession, and re-classified the direct-entry midwifery to be a medicalized discipline that required physician-supervised, with the identical restrictions already placed on CNMs.

While the medical profession always insisted that physician supervision was a vital stepping-stone to timely medical services, it in fact has proven over the last 39 years to be a stumbling block of massive proportion. It creates ‘vicarious’ liability for physicians, it prohibits midwives from being able to consult and collaborate with doctors or and it often denies childbearing women access to non-emergent medical services such as ultrasounds and referrals to perinatal regional centers.

California College of Midwives
Contact: faithgibson@mac.com

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BMC Pregnancy Childbirth. 2013 Apr 3;13(1):83. [Epub ahead of print]

A survey of access to trial of labor in California hospitals in 2012.

CONCLUSIONS:

Despite the 2010 NIH and ACOG recommendations encouraging greater access to TOLAC, 44% of California hospitals do not allow TOLAC. Of the 56% allowing TOLAC, 10.8% report fewer than 3% VBAC births. Thus, national recommendations encouraging greater access to TOLAC had a minor effect in California.

Barger MKDunn JTBearman SDelain MGates E.

Abstract

BACKGROUND:

In 2010, the NIH and ACOG recommended increasing women’s access to trial of labor after cesarean (TOLAC). This study explored access to TOLAC in California, change in access since 2007 and 2010, and characteristics of TOLAC and non-TOLAC hospitals.

METHODS:

Between November 2011 and June 2012, charge nurses at all civilian California birth hospitals were surveyed about hospitals’ TOLAC availability and requirements for providers. VBAC rates were obtained from the California Office of Statewide Health Planning and Development (OSHPD). Distance between hospitals was calculated using OSHPD geocoding.

RESULTS:

All 243 birth hospitals that were contacted participated. In 2010, among the 56% TOLAC hospitals, the median VBAC rate among TOLAC hospitals was 10.8% (range 0-37.3%). The most cited reason for low VBAC rates was physician unwillingness to perform them, especially due to the requirement to be continually present during labor.

TOLAC hospitals were more likely to be larger hospitals in urban communities with obstetrical residency training. However, there were six (11.3%) residency programs in non-TOLAC hospitals and 5 (13.5%) rural hospitals offering TOLAC. The majority of TOLAC hospitals had 24/7 anesthesia coverage and required the obstetrician to be continually present if a TOLAC patient was admitted; 17 (12.2%) allowed personnel to be 15-30 minutes away. TOLAC eligibility criteria included one prior cesarean (32.4%), spontaneous labor (52.5%), continuous fetal monitoring and intravenous access (99.3%), and epidural analgesia (19.4%).

The mean distance from a non-TOLAC to a TOLAC hospital was 37 mi. with 25% of non-TOLAC hospitals more than 51 mi. from the closest TOLAC hospital.In 2012, 139 hospitals (57.2%) offered TOLAC, 16.6% fewer than in 2007. Since 2010, five hospitals started and four stopped offering TOLAC, a net gain of one hospital offering TOLAC with three more considering it. Only two hospitals cited change in ACOG guidelines as a reason for the change.

Conclusion (pasted at the beginning of post)

PMID: 23551909

[PubMed – as supplied by publisher]

http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/23551909

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For 20 years following the Bowland Decision we thought restoring the legacy practice of traditional midwifery was IMPOSSIBLE, but in 1993 we finally prevailed.  

For the next 20 years we were told that restoring the independent nature of midwifery was totally IMPROBABLE. While sustained efforts by midwives, Senator Figueroa, Dr Fantozzi, Anita Scuri and many others moved the ball down the way down the field, our ultimate goal remained frustratingly elusive.                                 

This time is different. I am throughly convinced that 2013 is our lucky year — our success now is INEVITABLE.

So in moments of doubt, remember these 3 “I” words:  Impossible,  …..  Improbable, ….. INEVITABLE !

At the Senate Business and Professions Committee’s Sunset Review hearing on March 11th (2013), Senator Rich Gordon (chair of the Committee) referred to the legally required supervision of midwives by physicians as an issue of “changing the relationship issue between midwives and physician”.

The re-framing of this confusing and contentious issue by Senator Gordon was nothing short of brilliant. I’ve been involved in this struggle for 33 years and never figured out that simpler and far better way of talking about this issue. For decades our attempts to inform legislators, journalists, lawyers and the public about this problem has been elusive, but not any more!

But instead of the mind-numbing polysyllabic phrase “ eliminating physician supervision” (eyes glaze over) it’s possible to quickly and deftly describe this issue as a ‘relationship’ problem.  So here is the 40 year-old story of the legislatively-defined ‘relationship’ between midwives and physicians in California:

Four decades ago, the medical profession insisted that midwifery in California be re-classified from an independent profession to a physician-dependent medical discipline. [1] Legislative Memorandum- Gov. Earl Warren, July 8, 1949, on the topic of state-licensed midwives “… according to Section 2140, this type of practitioner operates independenty and not under the supervision of a physician”.

As a ‘physician-supervised’ activity, MDs are identified as having “ultimate authority, responsibility and liability” for the practice of midwives.[2] NorCal may 18, 1999 letter

This new ‘relationship’ conferred control over the practice of midwifery to the medical profession. As a medicalized discipline, representatives of organized medicine stated that the only appropriate standard of care for the practice of midwifery was one that conformed to the standards published by the American College of Obstetricians and Gynecologists (ACOG). [3] CAPLI letter August 2003 letter

As a physician-dependent medical discipline, professionally-licensed midwives are only authorized to provide midwifery care if they are able to locate a specific physician in their immediate area who will voluntarily provide the legally-essential services of obstetrical supervision. Physicians are limited supervising no more than four midwives at time. [4] Sec. 2507 & 2508, LMPA

Having authority, responsibility and liability over the actions of another professional inevitably creates ‘vicarious’ liability.  As a result of the increased liability risk, med-mal carriers in California prohibit their insured physician from entering into any type of professional relationship with a midwife providing OOH care, irrespective of what word is used to describe the relationship (collaboration, supervision, back-up, etc). [5] NorCal may 18, 1999 letter

If a midwife doesn’t have a supervisory relationship, or her specific physician is unavailable, the vicarious liability associated with a midwifery as a physician-dependent discipline prevents non-supervising doctors from consulting or collaborating with midwives. [5] NorCal may 18, 1999 letter

As a result the relationship between the two professions in California is one in which midwives depend on medical doctors in order to be able to practice.  If physicians are unable or unwilling to volunteer for this essential role, midwives are unable to satisfactorily provide care to childbearing women. It’s simple as that.

This small but crucial change in perspective — focusing on the relationship aspect instead of the issue of supervision — helped me to see things from the other end of the telescope.  As midwives, we each tend to think about the problem of supervision based on our personal experience:

(a) In my geographical area not a single OB or any other physician with obstetrical hospital privileges will voluntarily enter into a supervisory relationship me or other LMs, often citing policies of their med-mal carriers, which prohibit such arrangements

(b) When I try to order necessary labs and ultrasound exams for my clients or emergency medical supplies for our practice, many companies and service providers refuses to do business with me when I’m unable to either provide a requisition signed by an MD or give them the name of my supervising obstetrician

(c)  When I apply to be a Medicaid/MediCal provider, I learn that I can’t qualify because I don’t have documents identifying a specific obstetrician who has agreed to supervise my practice of midwifery

(d) When I bill a client’s health insurance provider for my professional services, my invoice is rejected unless I can provide the name of a supervising obstetrician. Some of these companies only reimburse the obstetrician for services provided by midwives under their supervision

(e) When I refer a pregnant woman with an abnormal finding to state-financed regional perinatal center for evaluation, they refuse to see her because I can’t provide the name of my supervising physician

(f)  When I call the regional perinatal center for a perinatologist-staffed special NICU equipped transport van to pick up a sick baby born at home, they refuse to come because I can’t provide the name of my supervising physician

(g) On those rare occasion when I have to transfer a client during labor, the OB on call demands to know who my supervisor is, bawls me out in front of the nurse and my client’s family for being irresponsible and practicing ‘illegally’.

On many occasions, they also threaten to call the Medical Board and report me. I feel humiliated and afraid, even though I am in compliance with the criteria established by Administrative Court Judge Roman in his 1999 ruling and the LMPA as amended by SB 1479 in 2000 (sec. 2508).

What is also immediately clear is that the mechanics of ‘supervision’ is not the actual issue. All three California med-mal carriers see all physician ‘relationships’ with all midwives who provide OOH birth services as potential source of vicarious liability.  It’s no surprise that all carriers domiciled in California prohibit ANY and all such relationships between insured physicians and midwives.

Of course, there are two very different ‘cures’ for this manufactured dilemma. The first is to maintain the current legislative scheme for the CNM and LM licensing acts, while adding the following provisions to the Medical Practice Act and laws regulating professional liability insurance in Caliornia:

* Require physicians with obstetrical privileges to provide consult, collaborate and supervise midwives as an obligation of their state license to practice medicine. 

** Require med-mal carriers to cover incidental liability associated licensed midwives as a part of the standard coverage of obstetricians covered in our state.

*** Create a legislative scheme to monitor the consequences of physician supervision of midwives to determine if this law is working in accordance with the overall intent of the LMPA and provide a report to the Legislature in 2 years on the following:

(a) to increase access to prenatal care and other maternity care services, and reduce the incidence of unattended childbirth, pregnant women in California, including low-income Medicaid/MediCal eligible families, must have unfettered access to state-regulated midwifery services  

(b) that it be determined that neither midwives nor physicians are being systematically exploited by any provision of these laws  

Personally, I don’t believe that physicians OR midwives would be very happy with the legislative “remedy” suggested above.

So my next suggestion is:

Return the practice of midwifery to its original classification as a independent profession. This would instantly eliminate the vicarious liability inherent in the current legislative scheme. This is consistent with the traditional historical and worldwide practice of midwifery as collegial and cooperative relationship between midwives and physicians.

In the UK midwives are recognized as professional practitioners in her their right.  Code #1 of the Code of Practice formally described the “Midwife/Doctor Relationship” by noting that:

 

“the responsibilities of the doctor and midwife are so inter-related and complementary that the necessary degree of co-operation can only be ensured by a mutual recognition of their respective professional positions.” [Rules of the Central Midwives Board, Handbook –  1962]

As a properly independent profession the risk of vicarious liability would no longer be a problem. A midwife, who was trained in midwifery (but not medicine) would only be responsible for her practice of midwifery and physicians, who are trained in medicine (but not midwifery) would only responsible for his area of professional training.

Continued to part 2: What to do with or about our midwife-physician “relationship” problem?

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Introduced by Assemblywoman Susan Bonilla on Feb 22nd
Most recent up-date ~ 03.21.13

This is the latest version. It is moving through committees of both Houses of the Legislature as we speak.

The key to reading ‘mark-up’ language is simple:

Text in the color BLACK means ‘no change’ from existing law; BLUE means new and RED means ‘strike-through’ or replaced.

Happy trails and stay tuned for updates.

AB 1308:
SECTION 1. The Legislature finds and declares the following:

(a) Licensed midwives have been authorized to practice since 1993 under Senate Bill 350 (Chapter 1280 of the Statutes of 1993), which was authored by Senator Killea. Additional legislation, Senate Bill 1950 (Chapter 1085 of the Statutes of 2002), which was authored by Senator Figueroa, was needed in 2002 to clarify certain practice issues. While the midwifery license does not specify or limit the practice setting in which licensed midwives may provide care, the reality is that the majority of births delivered by licensed midwives are planned as home births.

(b) Planned home births are safer when care is provided as part of an integrated delivery model. For a variety of reasons, this integration rarely occurs, and creates a barrier to the best and safest care possible. This is due, in part, to the attempt to fit a midwifery model of care into a medical model of care.

SEC. 2. 

[FG’s note — the following re-statement of 2507 & 2508 reiterates that LMs are ONLY in compliance with the LMPA IF they have physician supervision]

Section 2507 of the Business and Professions Code is amended to read:

2507.

 (a) The license to practice midwifery authorizes the holder, under the supervision of a licensed physician and surgeon, to attend cases of normal childbirth and to provide prenatal, intrapartum, and postpartum care, including family-planning care, for the mother, and immediate care for the newborn.

(b) As used in this article, the practice of midwifery constitutes the furthering or undertaking by any licensed midwife, under the supervision of a licensed physician and surgeon who has current practice or training in obstetrics, to assist a woman in childbirth so long as progress meets criteria accepted as normal. All complications shall be referred to a physician and surgeon immediately. The practice of midwifery does not include the assisting of childbirth by any artificial, forcible, or mechanical means, nor the performance of any version.

(c) As used in this article, “supervision” shall not be construed to require the physical presence of the supervising physician and surgeon.

(d) The ratio of licensed midwives to supervising physicians and surgeons shall not be greater than four individual licensed midwives to one individual supervising physician and surgeon.

(e) A midwife is not authorized to practice medicine and surgery by this article.

(f) A midwife is authorized to directly obtain supplies, order testing, and receive reports that are necessary to his or her practice of midwifery and consistent with his or her scope of practice.

(f) (g)  The board shall, not later than July 1, 2003,  2015, revise and  adopt in accordance with the Administrative Procedure Act (Chapter 3.5 (commencing with Section 11340) of Part 1 of Division 3 of Title 2 of the Government Code), regulations defining the appropriate standard of care and level of supervision required for the practice of midwifery. midwifery and identifying complications necessitating referral to a physician and surgeon.

SEC. 3.

Section 2508 of the Business and Professions Code is amended to read:

2508.

(a) A licensed midwife shall disclose in oral and written form to a prospective client all of the following:

(1) All of the provisions of Section 2507.

(2) If the licensed midwife does not have liability coverage for the practice of midwifery, he or she shall disclose that fact.

(3) The specific arrangements for the referral of complications to a physician and surgeon.

(3) (4)  The specific arrangements for the transfer of care during the prenatal period, hospital transfer during the intrapartum and postpartum periods, and access to appropriate emergency medical services for mother and baby if necessary.

(4) (5)  The procedure for reporting complaints to the Medical Board of California.

(b) The disclosure shall be signed by both the licensed midwife and the client and a copy of the disclosure shall be placed in the client’s medical record.

(c) The Medical Board of California may prescribe the form for the written disclosure statement required to be used by a licensed midwife under this section.

SEC. 4.

No reimbursement is required by this act pursuant to Section 6 of Article XIIIB of the California Constitution because the only costs that may be incurred by a local agency or school district will be incurred because this act creates a new crime or infraction, eliminates a crime or infraction, or changes the penalty for a crime or infraction, within the meaning of Section 17556 of the Government Code, or changes the definition of a crime within the meaning of Section 6 of Article XIIIB of the California Constitution.

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This is a perfectly WONDERFUL document written by Nancy Chavez, Senator Killea’s legislative aide, in the weeks following passage of SB 350 (the LMPA of 1993).

NancyChavez_Advice_1993

I scanned and saved it as a PDF, so it has to be read page by page (total of 3) but it is so well worth your time. The document is too good for me to try to paraphrase — just read it and then go over it a second time so your mind can connect up all the dots.

However, I do want to point something out about what Nancy Chavez’ identifies as the tension between ‘opinions’ and ‘facts’. In the section she calls “Be Prepared”, she advises midwifery activists not to express interact with members of the Legislator or Medical Board based on our personal opinion of the situation (which for me can ONLY be fully expressed by screaming into a pillow!), but instead provide simple factual statements of the kind that can be backed up by  documents and records that would be admissible in a Court of Law.

I’ve  developed  a resonantly effective ways to do acquire, archive and am happy to share the kind of document that Nancy Chavez describes as the basis of a fact-based conversation.

Since I was arrested and prosecuted in August 9th, 1991, I have been come a first a student, and then an archivist of historical documents and legislation, as well as  legal records and contemporary publications (including ObGynNews with its little gems about how the OB were going to keep the newly licensed midwives from being able to legally provide PHB services). These documents and records were amassed are expressly for the purpose of establishing:

(a) the legacy practice of midwifery existed and was legally an independent practice that was NOT physician-supervised, but instead enjoyed a collegial relationship with MD, consulting, collaborating and transferring care as appropriate.

(b) The well-documented and systemic prejudice against women as providers of maternity (i.e. non-obstetric) care

(c) The well-fianced and systemic machinations and manipulations of the obstetrical profession to discriminate against, public insult and humiliate, criminalize, and eventually extinguish the independent practice of midwifery and all lawful option for OOH childbirth services.

For just about every conceivable topic, I  have either already posted an informative document somewhere on my websites. I am happy to direct you if it isn’t easy to find (Google searches are pretty efficient for locating these docs).  If not already on the Web,  usually have something helpful in my archive and can provided a scanned copy as an email attachment.

So I am very please to have this not-quite-historial (but it is 20 years old!) document, which is rich with exactly the advise we need in our Hour Of Peril. For the first time, a California legislator is carrying a bill by an opposing group that seeks to amend our LMPA. A midwife in North Carolina was just arrested for the equivalent of manslaughter (using laws that prohibit late-term abortion), and two CNMs who are very ‘mainstream’ (good access to friendly OB back-up) are being prosecuted by the BRN for practicing without physician supervision.

The is our “Arab Spring” or it will be a decade-long ‘smack-down’ that makes seals the fact of childbearing women to 10 or 20 more years in which normal childbirth is conducted and billed as a surgical procedure performed ONLY in hospitals by obstetricians or “physician-entender” CNM, as a “medically-delegated”  procedure to be managed under the protocols of the obstetrical department. Of course, a Cesarean rate over 50% will bankrupt the country but what the heck, its only money!

 

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When thinking about the ‘relationship between midwives and physician’s as defineMPA’s mandated supervision requirement in the 1993 LMPA’s, I’d like to ask legislators and other policy-makers one important question:

“Does classifying the legacy (traditional, non-nurse) practice of midwifery as a medically-supervised discipline carry out the plainly stated Legislative Intent of the LMPA (SB 350) and Senator Figueroa’s amendment (SB 1479), or does it get in the way?

After reading the Legislature’s Intent for the LMPA and its firs amendment passed in the year 2000, I think you’ll agree with me that it does not help and it does create considerable harm.

faith gibson, LM ^O^

The Licensed Midwifery Practice Act of 1993
SECTION 1. The Legislature finds and declares all of the following:

(a) Over 40,000 babies die every year in the United States, many of them as a result of being born severely underweight. That rate, among the worst in the developed world, has been condemned by health experts as a preventable tragedy and a national disgrace.

(b) Research has shown for every dollar society might spend to reduce the number of underweight births, three dollars ($3) in medical-care costs could be saved.

(c) The increasing state budget deficit limits the amounts of state funds available to subsidize public health care.

(d) It is in agreement with the principle stated by the World Health Organization that each woman has a fundamental right to receive proper prenatal care, that the woman has a central role in all aspects of this care, including participation in the planning, carrying out, and evaluation of the care, and that social, emotional, and psychological factors are decisive in the understanding and implementation of proper prenatal care

(e) Prenatal care reduces the incidence of low birth weights.

(f) The number of available physicians and surgeons to serve low-income pregnant women has sharply decreased.

(g) Five nations with the lowest prenatal mortality rates have 70 percent of all births attended by midwives.

(h) In a 1982 report by the Department of Consumer Affairs, recommendations were made to actively promote nurse and non-nurse midwifery services as one means of providing cost-effective, comprehensive perinatal services which have been shown to be effective in lowering perinatal morbidity and mortality rates.

(i) The Office of Statewide Health Planning and Development (OSHPD) recommended in its 1986 study of Alternative Birthing Methods that a separate category of licensed midwives should be established in the Department of Consumer Affairs.

(j) The OSHPD further recommended that competencies for this new category should be comparable to those of nurse-midwives and physician assistant-midwives, although licensure as a registered nurse or physician assistant should not be required to become a licensed midwife.

(k) The Legislature supports a multifaceted, cost-effective approach which includes licensed midwives providing prenatal, delivery and necessary followup care to families.

SB 1479 ~ THE LEGISLATURE FINDS AND DECLARES THAT:

(a) Childbirth is a normal process of the human body and not a disease.

(b) Every woman has a right to choose her birth setting from the full range of safe options available in her community.

(cThe midwifery model of care emphasizes a commitment to informed choice, continuity of individualized care, and sensitivity to the emotional and spiritual aspects of childbearing, and includes monitoring the physical, psychological, and social well-being of the mother throughout the childbearing cycle; providing the mother with individualized education, counseling, prenatal care, continuous hands-on assistance during labor and delivery, and postpartum support; minimizing technological interventions; and identifying and referring women who require obstetrical attention.

(d) Numerous studies have associated professional midwifery care with safety, good outcomes, and cost-effectiveness in the United States and in other countries. California studies suggest that low-risk women who choose a natural childbirth approach in an out-of-hospital setting will experience as low a perinatal mortality as low-risk women who choose a hospital birth under management of an obstetrician, including unfavorable results for transfer from the home to the hospital. 

(e) The midwifery model of care is an important option within comprehensive health care for women and their families and should be a choice made available to all women who are appropriate for and interested in home birth.

 

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Text of AB 1308 — a shocker!

AMENDED IN ASSEMBLY MARCH 21, 2013

California Legislature—2013–14 Regular Session

ASSEMBLY BILLNo. 1308


Introduced by Assembly Member Bonilla

February 22, 2013


An act begin insert to amend Sections 2507 and 2508 of the Business and Professions Code,end insert relating to professions and vocations.

LEGISLATIVE COUNSEL’S DIGEST

AB 1308, as amended, Bonilla. Midwifery.

Existing law, the Licensed Midwifery Practice Act of 1993, provides for the licensing and regulation of midwives by the Board of Licensing of the Medical Board of California. The license to practice midwifery authorizes the holder, under the supervision of a licensed physician and surgeon, as specified, to attend cases of normal childbirth and to provide prenatal, intrapartum, and postpartum care, including family-planning care, for the mother, and immediate care for the newborn.

begin insert Under the act, a licensed midwife is required to make certain oral and written disclosures to prospective clients.end insert  A violation of the act is a crime.

begin insert

This bill would additionally authorize a licensed midwife to directly obtain supplies, order testing, and receive reports that are necessary to his or her practice of midwifery and consistent with his or her scope of practice and would require a licensed midwife to disclose to prospective clients the specific arrangements for referral of complications to a physician and surgeon.

end insert

begin delete — RED TEXT BELOW IS DELETED  

delete –>This bill would state the intent of the Legislature to enact legislation to remove barriers to care in order to provide a more efficient and safer delivery method for mother and infant by allowing licensed midwives to practice in a manner originally intended in prior legislation.

end delete   begin insert

Existing law requires the board, by July 1, 2003, to adopt regulations defining the appropriate standard of care and level of supervision required for the practice of midwifery.

end insert   begin insert

This bill would require the board, by July 1, 2015, to revise and adopt regulations defining the appropriate standard of care and level of supervision required for the practice of midwifery and identifying complications necessitating referral to a physician and surgeon.

end insert – begin insert

By expanding the disclosures a licensed midwife is required to make to prospective clients, this bill would expand the scope of a crime thereby imposing a state-mandated local program.  [editor FG.org ??????]

The California Constitution requires the state to reimburse local agencies and school districts for certain costs mandated by the state. Statutory provisions establish procedures for making that reimbursement.

This bill would provide that no reimbursement is required by this act for a specified reason.

 Vote: majority. Appropriation: no. Fiscal committee: begin deleteno end d

State-mandated local program: begin deleteno end delete

The people of the State of California do enact as follows:

SECTION 1.

The Legislature finds and declares the following:

begin insert(end insertbegin inserta)end insert

Licensed midwives have been authorized to practice since
5 1993 under Senate Bill 350 (Chapter 1280 of the Statutes of 1993),
6 which was authored by Senator Killea. Additional legislation,
7 Senate Bill 1950 (Chapter 1085 of the Statutes of 2002), which
8 was authored by Senator Figueroa, was needed in 2002 to clarify
9 certain practice issues. While the midwifery license does not
10 specify or limit the practice setting in which licensed midwives
11 may provide care, the reality is that the majority of births delivered
12 by licensed midwives are planned as home births.

14 begin insert(end insertbegin insertb)end insert Planned home births are safer when care is provided as part
15 of an integrated delivery model. For a variety of reasons, this
16 integration rarely occurs, and creates a barrier to the best and safest
17 care possible. This is due, in part, to the attempt to fit a midwifery 
18 model of care into a medical model of care.

begin delete RED Text below is deleted

delete –>    1(b) It is the intent of the Legislature to enact legislation that
2 would systematically remove unnecessary barriers to care in order
3 to provide a more efficient and safer delivery for mother and infant
4 by allowing licensed midwives to practice in a manner originally
5 intended in the authorizing legislation.

SEC. 2.

Section 2507 Business and Professions Code is amended to read:end insert

 

2507.  

(a) The license to practice midwifery authorizes the 
9  holder, under the supervision of a licensed physician and surgeon
10 to attend cases of normal childbirth and to provide prenatal, 
11 intrapartum, and postpartum care, including family-planning care, 
12 for the mother, and immediate care for the newborn.

13 (b) As used in this article, the practice of midwifery constitutes 
14 the furthering or undertaking by any licensed midwife, under the 
15 supervision of a licensed physician and surgeon who has current 
16 practice or training in obstetrics, to assist a woman in childbirth 
17 so long as progress meets criteria accepted as normal.

All 
18 complications shall be referred to a physician and surgeon 
19 immediately. The practice of midwifery does not include the 
20 assisting of childbirth by any artificial, forcible, or mechanical 
21 means, nor the performance of any version.

22 (c) As used in this article, “supervision” shall not be construed 
23 to require the physical presence of the supervising physician and 
24 surgeon.

25 (d) The ratio of licensed midwives to supervising physicians 
26and surgeons shall not be greater than four individual licensed 
27midwives to one individual supervising physician and surgeon.

28 (e) A midwife is not authorized to practice medicine and surgery 
29 by this article.

30 (f) A midwife is authorized to directly obtain supplies, order
31 testing, and receive reports that are necessary to his or her practice
32 of midwifery and consistent with his or her scope of practice.

34 The board shall, not later than July 1,

begin insert 2015, revise 

35  adopt in accordance with the Administrative Procedure Act 
36 (Chapter 3.5 (commencing with Section 11340) of Part 1 of 
37 Division 3 of Title 2 of the Government Code), regulations defining 
38 the appropriate standard of care and level of supervision required 
39 for the practice of begin delete midwifery.end delete begin insert midwifery and identifying
40 complications necessitating referral to a physician and surgeon.end insert

2508.

(a) A licensed midwife shall disclose in oral and written
4 form to a prospective client all of the following:

5 (1) All of the provisions of Section 2507.

6 (2) If the licensed midwife does not have liability coverage for
7 the practice of midwifery, he or she shall disclose that fact.

begin insert

8 The specific arrangements for the referral of complications
9   to a physician and surgeon.

11 begin insert(end insertbegin insert4)end insert The specific arrangements for the transfer of care during the
12 prenatal period, hospital transfer during the intrapartum and
13 postpartum periods, and access to appropriate emergency medical
14 services for mother and baby if necessary.

16 begin insert(end insertbegin insert5)end insert The procedure for reporting complaints to the Medical Board

17 of California.

18 (b) The disclosure shall be signed by both the licensed midwife
19 and the client and a copy of the disclosure shall be placed in the
20 client’s medical record.

21(c) The Medical Board of California may prescribe the form for
22 the written disclosure statement required to be used by a licensed
23 midwife under this section.

24 begin insert

No reimbursement is required by this act pursuant to
25 Section 6 of Article XIII B of the California Constitution because
26 the only costs that may be incurred by a local agency or school
27 district will be incurred because ?????? this act creates a new crime or 28 infraction, eliminates a crime or infraction, or changes the penalty 29 for a crime or infraction, within the meaning of Section 17556 of 30 the Government Code, or changes the definition of a crime within 31 the meaning of Section 6 of Article XIII B of the California 32 Constitution.

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